But my object in this part of our investigation being merely to trace out the position and influence of Methodism, I must refer the reader to another part of the narrative for information on these matters. I was informed that several Methodists were members of Congress; and, as we have seen, had the pleasure of hearing one, a local preacher, of the name of Hillyard, speak in the House of Representatives. He appeared a man of good talents, practical mind, an agreeable address, and possessing very respectable elocution. This good friend, I understood, often took the pulpit in one of the churches at Washington; so that he was not a preacher at home, and a silent Christian at the seat of government; but fearlessly maintained his religious character and vocation every where. The fact is, however, that he suffered nothing from this. A man is not sent to Coventry for being a Methodist, nor loses rank, or any thing else, by maintaining his principles. Freedom in religion is no fiction in the States. Men are estimated by their character, their talents, their capacity to serve the public; and not by their creed, or by denominational distinctions.

Two or three facts, having a religious bearing, connected with the State of Maryland, are worth mentioning. The first is, that Lord Baltimore, as we have seen, from whom the city is named, was a Roman Catholic, a convert from Protestantism, and an eminent statesman, of the age of Charles II. Romanist though he became, yet he retained his attachment to religious liberty; and notwithstanding many persons of his own creed constituted the first bodies of settlers, yet the stringent doctrines of Popish intolerance were never countenanced. In point of fact, Popish Maryland was the first colony in America where a system of practical toleration and religious freedom obtained a footing. As might be expected, the Popish church is still in great power in Baltimore.

*

A second fact is, that though Maryland is a slave-State, yet slavery itself is decreasing. In 1790, the number of slaves amounted to 103,036; and in 1840, to only 89,737. The same dates give for the white population, in 1790, 319,728; and in 1840, 1,239,797. From some causes, of which I confess myself to be ignorant, it is very evident that slavery, in this State, is not favoured by the general population. A process of extinction is evidently going on.

*See BANCROFT.

The balance on the side of the white and free population is clearly increasing rapidly; whilst, instead of the slave portion augmenting in a proportionate ratio, we find that their numbers are rapidly decreasing. It is cheering to see that in a short period, by the natural process of things, the evil must end itself. I, indeed, found many estimable men, no friends to slavery, looking forward to this with some degree of confidence, as a good which they ardently anticipated. It was thought by these gentlemen, that such States as Maryland, having ceased to cherish and uphold slavery, in fact, would soon be led to renounce it by a legislative enactment. Well or ill founded, it is the opinion of these parties, that two or three of the other States would have done so before this, had it not been for abolitionist agitations. It is certain that, of all men in the world, Americans are the least likely to yield to an external pressure; and it is very possible that the majority, in particular States, may have been roused to a reaction by what they consider the unauthorized and impertinent interference of other people with their affairs. In this I am not delivering opinions of my own; I ammerely stating an alleged fact, as it was often represented to me by thoughtful men, and friends of abolition. However this may be, it is delightful to have ocular demonstration, from the diminished and diminishing numbers of slaves in Maryland, that the free men of the State are not, in general, the patrons of slavery.

IX. In our descent along the Atlantic coast, we now enter the South division of the Methodist Episcopal church. The VIRGINIA CONFERENCE is the first on the line. We have, belonging to this Conference, six districts; namely, Richmond, Charlotteville, Lynchburgh, Randolph Macon, Petersburgh, and Norfolk: seventysix stations and circuits; ninety-one ministers, with one hundred and sixty-five local preachers; and twenty-eight thousand four hundred and fifty-seven church-members; of these members five thousand six hundred and ninetyone are people of colour.

The slavery of this State has greatly increased; the numbers being, in 1790, 203,427; and, in 1840, 448,987. It is to be presumed from this, that the people are really in favour of the system. They would probably say, they are not so, in reality; in the abstract, that they consider liberty, freedom, human rights, as essential and

divine. But then, they think that the poor Blacks are better off as slaves than if free; and, moreover, that the system is so dovetailed into their social condition, that it is impossible, in the present state of things, to change it. These are the apologies I often heard. One thing surprises me on entering into a statistical examina tion of this first Southern Conference: it is the very limited number of coloured people belonging to the church, as compared with the slave population in the State. I am aware that the Virginia Conference may not, and indeed does not, include the whole of the State; but still, it is very evident that it embraces a considerable proportion; and if this proportion is no more than half its extent, it still leaves but a very small fraction of the slaves as members of the Methodist church. What are 5,600 slaves, compared with even half 448,987?

The most cogent reason, and, as it struck me at the time, the most legitimate, for the neutrality of the Methodist church in the South on the subject,-in fact, for its present separation from the North,-was, that the ministers might have permission to seek the salvation of these poor outcasts, lead them to Christ, ameliorate their condition, and thus prepare them for freedom. But really, is it worth while (I say nothing of the lawfulness of the thing) to sacrifice a principle, to lay aside a great truth, to bend before the great Moloch, for such a result as this? Virginia is one of the oldest fields of enterprise belonging to the Methodist church; on this ground it has been at work almost from the beginning; and see the issue, as regards the slave population. Why, if Christianity is to prepare these people for liberty, and Methodism is to be its agent, ages and ages must intervene betwixt these wretched people and the mighty boon. From this investigation one cannot help believing, that this accursed evil stands in the way of the religious good-the salvation— of the poor Africans to extent but little appre

hended.

an

The BOOK-ROOм belonging to the Southern church is established at Richmond, within the limits of this Conference. John Early, Book-Agent, and L. M. Lee, Agent and Editor of the Richmond Christian Advocate. Dr. Lee, the grandson of Jesse Lee, is, as we see, Editor of the Southern Christian Advocate. These Christian Advocates, in these times, are fearful things. One cannot help deploring, that talents, competent to the highest studies

and investigations of theological and sacred truth, should be devoted to partisan warfare. This is unhappily the case now. This fine young man, Dr. Lee, and another at New-York, not as young, but of equally excellent spirit, Dr. George Peck, must now be pitted against each other in deadly warfare, on the points at issue between the North and the South. It makes one's heart bleed to think of men like these spending their time and their talents in service so wretched.

We have another appointment to notice. It is William A. Smith, President of R. M. College; B. R. Duval, and Nathanael Thomas, Agents. Now, as R. M. College is placed under the Randolph Macon District, I suppose it must mean a college bearing that name. Our good brethren across the Atlantic are so fond of abbreviations, that it is really difficult for a stranger, not well acquainted with them, to make out their meaning. But the fact indicated is of importance, namely, that in this place a college is found for the purpose of advancing the interests of general and sacred knowledge. We may see, from the number of these institutions, and their frequent occurrence as we traverse the continent, that the attention of the church is intently fixed upon the subject of education. Results of great importance to religion and civilization must arise out of this potent agency.

X. The NORTH CAROLINA CONFERENCE is the next in our line. This Conference has within its limits five districts; namely, Raleigh, Salisbury, Danville, Washington, Newberne: fifty-seven stations and circuits; seventyfive ministers, with one hundred and thirty-nine local preachers; and twenty thousand three hundred and eight members: out of this number, seven thousand seven hundred and fifty are people of colour.

This, as every one knows, is a slave State, and the evil is increasing. In 1790, we find 100,572 slaves; in 1840, 245,817. But the progress of Methodism amongst the African race is much more satisfactory than in Virginia. The total 7,751, in the midst of a population of 245,817, will give a proportion much more than double, or treble, that of the other State. This, however, is a very poor average on the whole population; and indicates that the progress made has not been very extraordinary.

We have the following appointment in the Conference : B. T. Blake and J. Jamieson, Professors in Greensborough Female College. We shall be under the necessity of

noticing these Female Colleges elsewhere; and may consequently omit any particular remarks here, further than to entreat the reader to notice the fact, that the planters of the South-a very different race-are no more negligent of this subject of education than the sturdy citizens of the North; being willing, it seems, to send their daughters for training to religious schools.

XI. We now come to the SOUTH CAROLINA CONFERENCE. On the territory of this ecclesiastical division, are found six districts; Charleston, Cokesbury, Columbia, Wilmington, Fayetteville, Lincolnton: seventy-four stations, circuits, and missions; one hundred and seven ministers; (no return of local preachers;) sixty-five thousand one hundred and sixty-seven church-members; in this aggregate, thirty-eight thousand and eighty-two are people of colour. This is a splendid result.

South Carolina is a plantation country, and consequently in favour of slavery. The numbers have increased in the following ratio:-In 1790, there were 107,094; and in 1840, no less than 327,038. But it is delightful to find so large a number of them as 38,082 members of the Methodist church. Religion is the only real mitigation of the miseries of this condition; and let us hope that it may please God to confer it upon an increased number, and thus prepare them, by its influence, for all the rights of the social state. But still we must keep in mind, that these ecclesiastical boundaries are not those of the State; and it is very likely, that this South Carolina Conference stretches into the Northern State of that name.

The religious history of the two Carolinas is very interesting, inasmuch as it is connected both with great principles and great men. The territory was granted to a proprietary by Charles II., the most distinguished of whom were the famous Ashley Cooper, earl of Shaftesbury, and John Locke. The constitution which these eminent men framed for the government of the Plantation,-but which, by the by, did not last long,-recognised the principle of religious toleration to the fullest extent; and, at the same time, conceded, that all free men had an absolute right of property in their slaves. Even Locke adopted this theory, made this a provision of the constitution which he drew up himself, and secured this as an indefeasible right to the emigrants. The one provision drew to these sunny shores unfortunate religionists from every country; and the other filled the settlements with enslaved Africans.