piece turns light and takes flight towards the realms of fancy. And yet a few features borrowed from real life recall you here and there to the fact that it is not pure farce; there is an undercurrent of reality. The same remark applies to Le Réveillon, a gem the first act of which is of the choicest comique; the third includes a situation worthy of Molière; while the second belongs to screaming farce. Such are the most successful pieces of the Palais-Royal répertoire. For all that, the house has not lost the tradition of those short oneact pieces that formerly constituted the flower of its stock plays. A few of those to be given before you belong to the first style I spoke of, the pièces bien faites, such as L'Affaire de la Rue de Lourcine already mentioned. Others, and necessarily the most numerous, belong to the screamer' class. To my taste the two best are Le Homard by Gondinet, and MM. Meilhac and Halvéy's Le Roi Candaule. I do not know whether these two short acts will afford you pleasure; to fully appreciate their points one must be thoroughly familiar with Parisian language and manners. These real-life sketches enchanted us.

V.

I might stop at this rapid review of titles of plays and actors' names, in which I have mentioned all the illustrations of the PalaisRoyal. The only kind of play I have at all omitted is La Revue, a review of the events of the year. This has not been, properly speaking, what the Palais-Royal could claim as peculiarly its own, though it has afforded it two of its greatest hits-Les Pommes de terre malades, and Le Banc d'Huîtres. Neither have I touched on operetta, because, after it had held possession of the Palais-Royal boards for a short time with La Vie Parisienne and Le Chau à Toto, the managers, seeing they had taken the wrong road, fell back on their ordinary caterers, and suppressed the band. A few names of actors and actresses have likewise been passed over in the nomenclature: the amiable Mme. Thierret is one; she is the most amusing of duennas, with lips and chin hirsute as those of a sapper, and who, to the great delight of the public, used to beat her breast with her fists-she called this striking the lid of her trunk! Nor have I spoken of Lasouche, with the intelligent glance from his great round eyes, mocking mouth, and inclined neck, always amusing in servants' parts. But as the poet says,

Le secret d'ennuyer est celui de tout dire.

Having reviewed its past career, I prefer hazarding a guess at the future destinies of the Palais-Royal. The management have, during the last twenty years, been perpetuating a mistake they begin to rue at the present moment. Happy in the possession of four inimitable

artists-Geoffroy, Gil Perez, L'Héritier, and Hyacinthe—they have used them, and overdone them. These popular actors have been made to appear every night; and no new recruits have been formed to succeed them. It is true they have had for accessories to the error the authors-who have made it a habit to insist on the appearance in their pieces of the best comedians of the day—and the actors themselves; for, jealous of their position, they have drawn closer together to preclude the possibility of any one entering their circle : and finally, that great baby the Public, who, careless of the future, has insisted on eating the goose with the golden eggs. Meanwhile the four stars were growing old. When Gil Perez was compelled to retire, the mistake made in not providing these eminent comedians with worthy successors became at once apparent. The managers of the Palais-Royal sought everywhere. They have discovered two comics, whose reputation is rising in Paris-Daubray and Montbars. Daubray possesses the finer sort of wit; Montbars' acting sparkles with verve and mirth; he puts us much in mind of the Sainville of our youth. Add to the above Milher, a well-informed comedian, who is going in for the study of farce with commendable ardour.

They have secured pretty Mlle. Legaut, a thorough actress in comic characters, pleasing, though rather deficient in life. After her comes a bevy of sprightly ladies, whose best points lie in their beauty of face and stylishness of dress. Mlle. Lemercier and Mlle. Lavigne stand out from the number: the former a pretty Abigail, very amusing with her devil-may-care airs of the Parisian gamin.

I see the name of Mlle. Céline Chaumont has been added in the play-bill. Mlle. Céline Chaumont is one of our witty characteractresses-a Dejázet on a small scale. If I have not spoken of her, the reason is that she is not permanently attached to the PalaisRoyal company; she accompanies them for the nonce by permission of the Variétés management. She would require a special sketch.

In spite of numerous elements of success, we cannot close our eyes to the fact that the Palais-Royal is passing through a critical period. Its two managers, Dormeuil, jun., and Plunkett, have retired -have handed over the deal to some one else, as we say.

The new manager who is ushering the company and stock plays of the Palais-Royal to your notice, M. Delcroix, is an intelligent man, quite capable of winning back fortune for his house. He is about to have the theatre (proverbially uncomfortable) rebuilt. He is thinking of fresh engagements, and on the look-out for young authors. He has secured one already-M. Abraham Dreyfus, whose Giffle and Victime, two agreeable farces, will be performed in London.

And now for the curtain, as we say; I find no better expression to illustrate the meaning than your national' All right.'

FRANCISQUE SARCEY.

BLEEDING TO DEATH.

CIRCUMSTANCES have again drawn public attention to the grave financial and economical condition of our Indian Empire. This in itself is unfortunately no very attractive subject. The interest awakened by the two campaigns in Afghanistan necessarily pushed aside the more sober question of Indian administration, but the time is quickly coming when the internal affairs of our great dependency must be studied more closely than ever before. A miscalculation in the war expenses, so extraordinary that we may fairly doubt whether its full magnitude is even yet known, has played the same part on this occasion that the loss by exchange did last year, and the frightful famines in Madras, Bombay, and the North-West Provinces the year before. We need, it seems, a continuous succession of 'sensational' events to keep the minds of Englishmen fixed upon a subject where we all incur day by day the heaviest responsibility. For the good government and improvement of India form the duty and concern not of officials alone, but of every man who can see wherein lies the true greatness of an empire. To raise the people of India to a higher level by steady help given to their better native customs, to increase their wealth by reducing the cost of administration, and a cautious suggestion of improvements in their agriculture and their industries-to educate them in the widest sense, so that in due time they may be able to administer their own country with but little supervision from us-these are aims and objects which surely claim from us more than the fitful attention which they at present receive— ought, rather, to rouse the energies and quicken the imagination of all. We have no right to look at the bright side of what has been done, and shut our eyes to the stupendous dangers ahead of us.

An able official' not long since recounted what has been done by our efforts efforts well paid for by the people, it is true, but none the less honourable on that account-and not the most disaffected native could deny that in perfect religious liberty, peace and protection, the suppression of organised gangs of robbers and stranglers, the safety of women, the freedom of internal trade, the security of lands and goods, and in some districts the improvement of communication, we have conferred great benefits upon India. These are results of our rule which we may well look upon with satisfaction, and may reasonably hope will

1 Dr. W. W. Hunter. His exceedingly flattering statements as to the prosperity of our Indian Empire conflict so strangely with other official reports and admitted facts that it would be interesting if in a supplementary lecture he would show us how he reconciles the discrepancies. The death of 6,000,000 people by famine in 1877 and 1878 the head of the Statistical Department does not so much as notice.

long produce a good effect. But, with the single exception of the last, they were each and all carried out by the East India Company, and are due to the men of the last generation. Let them, then, be credited with these good deeds, not the men of to-day. Our present officials work with equal zeal and equal earnestness-I do not dispute it for a moment-but they do so over a great part of India under conditions where it is impossible that they should succeed. The perfection of our civil administration, the exquisite beauty of our system of minutewriting and elaborate checks, even the unquestionable uprightness of the whole official class, carry but cold comfort to a starving people.

That famines are becoming more frequent and more fatal, that taxation has reached its limit, that the revenue is inelastic and the expenditure period for period steadily increasing, that the production of the soil over large areas is lessening, and the margin of food above the limit of starvation being greatly reduced, are hard facts no longer to be put contemptuously aside as the idle fancies of so-called pessimists-they are the well-weighed conclusions of a Special Famine Commissioner convinced against his will, the accepted truths of the English Government which felt but now assured that India was rejoicing in the fullest prosperity. Happily, in spite of the Afghan War, the task of retrenchment and reform has been honourably begun. But it is no light work to right past mistakes, or to treat with justice and generosity a people wholly dependent upon us for their welfare and their safety. The mischiefs of overEuropeanisation and economical error are far-reaching in their effects -the remedies can be but gradually applied. Yet now, if ever, is the opportunity for pushing on the necessary changes. There is reason to hope for a succession of favourable seasons. During this period economy will tell. But do not let us deceive ourselves: the next great famine, unless persistent care is taken, will be something unprecedented in history, and no mere temporary expedients will ward off the danger.

Under our direct rule in India we have no fewer than two hundred millions of people, and there are besides fifty millions more in native states who are indirectly controlled by us. Yet all this vast mass of human beings is kept in order by an army of 60,000 Europeans and 120,000 natives, exclusive of the native police. It is impossible to put the naturally peaceful character of the people in a more striking way. There have probably never been more than 300,000 Europeans in the country at any one time; and yet since we have been in possession the only serious rising has been that of our own troops. Notwithstanding, too, the death by starvation of millions, there has been no really dangerous outbreak among the numerous races we govern. Any other society would have broken up under such a strain as that to which some districts in India were exposed. But the fierce fighting men of the North-West have so far been as patient in trial as the milder populations of Madras and Bengal. This says much for them, and much also for their belief that in spite of many

drawbacks we mean to rule honestly and well. The fate of the Dacoity leader Wassadeo Bulwunt Phadke affords clear evidence that the population is now as ever ready to side with authority, even where they think themselves oppressed, otherwise he had everything in his favour. The Deccan has suffered much from usurers and from famine. Wassadeo's bold raids appealed to the old Mahratta predatory instinct. He and his followers might at least enable the hopelessly involved to recover their ancestral lands, of which they consider they have been unjustly deprived. Nevertheless they showed but little sympathy with the marauders; the leader was consequently captured and his band dispersed. In spite of grievous mismanagement, the Rumpa disturbances in Madras, brought about likewise by our own neglect, will die down without any assistance from the outside. Still, therefore, the often-repeated remark remains true, that so long as the agricultural classes are well affected we shall have no great difficulty in keeping our hold upon the country. It is an absolute necessity therefore, to take the very best view, that any germs of serious discontent should be taken account of and fairly dealt with.

In the Deccan this is, to a certain extent, being done, and none too soon. After four years of inattention the Report of the Commission with reference to the outrages upon the money-lenders at last produced an effect, and the Bill brought forward by Mr. Hope passed the Legislative Council. This is by far the most remarkable measure introduced for many years past. For it amounts to a distinct confession that our Civil Courts have proved a complete failure, and have been seriously harmful to the people. What is the remedy? More Europeanisation? Further attempts to force on the country a system for which it is wholly unfit? Not at all. The new measure recognises that we must take a step back, must have less of law and more of justice, must leave the natives to manage their own business, and even endeavour to build up again that which before we have derided and pulled down. When native panchayats are to be re-established and the usurers dealt with on the old native principles, it is clear that we have taken a new view of our duties in India. To do away with the money-lender would be ruinous. He is an essential part of the Indian agricultural community. In many districts the money-lenders have actually lost heavily during the last few years, and have besides done much to keep the people from dying of starvation as well as found the means to start them again after the drought was over. The need, therefore, is to check fraud and wrong, but at the same time to leave free play to the honest agents.

A short survey of the Deccan Agriculturists Relief Act will show that in its desire to protect the ryot the Indian Government has gone very near to hamper the ordinary operations of borrower and lender. This may be a fault on the right side, and in so far as it is a return to the native system will probably be worked well by the people themselves; but the entire Act is obviously drawn with the intention of oust