acter and condition of mankind, all demanding peace ;-the actual disuse of war, and the marked desire of rulers themselves to supersede it by the adoption of pacific expedients that promise ere long to re-construct the international policy of the civilized world;—the pacific tendencies of literaure, science, and all the arts that minister to individual comfort, or national prosperity;-the more frequent, more extended intercourse of Christians and learned men in different parts of the earth ;— the wide extension of commerce, and the consequent inter-linking over the globe of interests which war must destroy-the rapid spread of the gospel in pagan lands, the fuller development of its spirit in Christendom, and the more direct, more efficacious application of its principles to every species of sin and misery--all the enterprises of associated benevolence and reform, but especially the combined efforts made to disseminate the principles of peace, to pour the full light of heaven on the guilt and evils of war, and thus unite the friends of God and man everywhere against this master-scourge of our race;-such are some of the influences now at work for the world's perpetual peace. The Nor have these causes been at work in vain. "Already," says Ware, "is the process begun, by which Jehovah is going to fulfil the amazing predictions of his word. Even now is the fire kindled at the forges where swords are yet to be beaten into ploughshares, and spears into pruning-hooks. teachers are already abroad who shall persuade the nations to learn war no more. If we would hasten that day, we have only to throw ourselves into the current, and we may row with the tide. There may be, here and there, a counter-current; but the main stream is flowing stea lily on, and the order of Providence is rolling forward the sure result." The gospel, rightly applied, is amply sufficient for such a result. It is God's own power at work for the world's eventual deliverance from all forms of error, sin and misery. There is no passion it cannot subdue, no vice it cannot reform, no evil custom it cannot abolish, no moral malady it cannot cure, no inveteracy of error or sin from which it cannot reclaim. Its history, as well as its nature, proves its power; and a libel would it be on God himself, to suppose his chosen instrument for a world's spiritual renovation, inadequate to the task of exterminating war from every land blest with its heavenly light, and eventually from the whole earth. On this point God has taken care to leave no room for doubt. Expressly, repeatedly has he promised, that the earth shall be filled with the knowledge of his name, even as the waters cover the sea; that the kingdoms of this world shall all become the kingdom of our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ;' and then 'shall they beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruninghooks; nation shall no longer lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.' Thus has God promised the world's eventual pacification as explicitly as he has the world's conversion, or even the salvation of any believer in Jesus; and we must either discard the whole Bible, or believe in the possibility, the absolute certainty of universal and permanent peace. It is not incumbent on us to show how these prophecies are to be fulfilled; and yet it were easy to point out a variety of expedients that might, with safety and success, take the place of war. There is in truth no more need of this custom among Christian nations than there is of paganism itself. They could, if they would, settle all their difficulties with out war, as well as the members of a church can theirs without duels. There is no impossibility in the case. Substitutes far better than the sword for all purposes of protection and redress, might be made to supersede entirely the alleged necessity of war between nations. Once, individuals had no other means than brute force for the redress of their wrongs, or the adjustment of their difficulties; but, if that old practice of private wars gave place, ages ago, to codes and courts of law between individuals, it is equally possible for nations, if they choose, to provide similar methods for the settlement of their disputes without the effusion of blood. CHAPTER III. SUBSTITUTES FOR WAR. ALL our methods of peace, or substitutes for war, resolve themselves into the simple principle of having nations adjust their difficulties as individuals do theirs. The latter, when any dispute arises, either agree between themselves, or refer the case to umpires mutually chosen, or carry it into a court of law for a fair and equitable decision; and, in pursuance of the same policy, nations should first employ negotiation, next resort, by arbitration or mediation, to some form of amicable reference, or, better than all, should establish a system of justice between nations, like our codes and courts of law for individuals. Some of these expedients are oc casional, others would be permanent; and we will just glance at each of these classes. SECTION I. TEMPORARY SUBSTITUTES FOR WAR. THE first of these temporary expedients, then, would be NEGOTIATION. So long as nations keep cool and kind enough to adjust their own difficulties, this method is decidedly the best of all. If they made the sword really their last resort, instead of their first; or if popular sentiment should always hold them back from conflict till mutual forbearance, explanation and concession, had exhausted their utmost power, this expedient alone would, in nine cases out of ten, prevent an appeal to arms. Our next resort would be to ARBITRATION; a substitute adopted when the parties are unable to adjust their own difficulties, or prefer the decision of an impartial umpire. Better for the parties to agree among themselves, if they can; but, if they cannot, nations should in every case settle their disputes by some mode of reference. Nor is there any objection in their case, that would not apply to individuals; for it is just as feasible and safe, as equitable and honorable, for the former as for the latter. But there is another form of reference in the principle of MEDIATION. When rulers become so exasperated against each other, as to withdraw from official intercourse, and the strange, semi-barbarous code of national honor requires them to keep aloof, or to meet only on the field of battle, a third power, friendly to both, occasionally interposes with the offer of its services as mediator. Such services the parties are now bound in courtesy to accept ; and this simple expedient, a new development of the pacific tendencies of the age, promises to obviate the most delicate and difficult cases of misunderstanding. It is well known, that duellists cannot fight so long as a mutual friend stands between them as mediator; and, if so effectual for the prevention of duels, the principle, equally applicable to war, would be likely to prove still more successful here, from the longer delay necessary, from the greater publicity of the transaction, and from the overwhelming majority on both sides interested in a peaceful issue of the dispute. Thus might a single cabinet, by the well-timed tender of its services, hold in check the war-spirit of the whole civilized world, and do much to keep its nations in permanent peace. INTERCOURSE, Another occasional substitute for war is NONIf a neighbor habitually maltreats us, and will neither make reparation, nor come to any reasonable terms, we sometimes find it best simply to let him alone, and have nothing whatever to do with him, until he proves himself worthy of our renewed confidence and intercourse. So the church, and all voluntary associations, when a member can no longer be tolerated within their pale, merely exclude him, and leave him to the recoil of his own misdeeds. The principle is equally applicable to nations. If a government neglects its treaty-engagements, or violates in other respects the law of nations, and persists in its refusal to make due reparation, it would be far better to withdraw from all intercourse with a nation so unreasonable, and wait for the frowns of the world, and a returning sense of justice and self-respect to set them right, than to embroil scores of innocent millions in war. Such a contest would soon hide or change the real, original issue, while non-inter |