By referring to Chap. IV of this work, the reader will find that Sir Walter gives his accounts of the Inca's empire, of the city of El Dorado, (at what rate he journied through which, Martines did not say) of the prophecies in favour of the English, and of the Amazons, not on his own testimony, but on that of other writers and reporters; indeed, toward the end of his account of the voyage, he expressly declares, because he hath not himself seen the cities of Inga, he cannot avow on his credit what he hath heard.' Coreal, the Spanish traveller before cited, acknowledges the country to be very rich. In the map accompanying his travels, in Sanson's map, and in some of De Lisle's maps, the lake Parima, and the city of Manoa, are marked. That Sir Walter came in for his share of party spleen, which the death of Essex, the favourite of the people, probably greatly increased, we will not deny; but Mr. Hume's unqualified and unsupported assertion, that he was the object of universal hatred and detestation throughout England, proves only under what prejudice he wrote concerning the knight.

After these seventeen arguments, Mr. Hume dwells upon what nobody acquainted with the story disputes, that Sir Walter went to Guiana unpardoned. He is not, however, as we have seen, justified in his insinuation, that this was owing to a suspicion being entertained of the knight's intentions; and had Sir Walter, immediately, upon the failure of his enterprise, expected, as Mr. Hume asserts, the fate he met, would he have surrendered himself in the manner he did?

The intelligence given to the Spaniards of Ralegh's project, Mr. Hume calls a pretence; and asserts, that the public fact of his armament was sufficient to put them on their guard. Is then the knight's confidential letter to Sir Ralph Winwood, written at the time it was written, of no credit; and could the Spaniards have known in what particular place to prepare their force, without the plan of his expedition, exacted from Ralegh, and sent to S. Thome?

Notwithstanding the suspicion entertained of the knight's intentions, Mr. Hume blames the king for allowing Sir Walter to depart without a more exact scrutiny. Every one of the

principals that that were in the voyage (the Declaration informs us) had put in security one for another,' probably with out any fraudulent design; but Mr. Hume at once pronounceș this a cheat which increased the suspicion of bad intentions.

Lastly, the king's motive, we are told, for not pardoning Sir Walter's treason, (which Mr. Hume allowed before in Vol. VI, p. 9, of his History, 8, 1791, was no treason), and trying him for his new offences, was, because an opinion prevailed, that by treaty war was allowed with the Spaniards in the Indies, though peace was made in Europe, and no jury would have found the knight guilty. A confession in fact, that, because Sir Walter could not be lawfully condemned anew, his life was despotically taken from him upon an old and unjust sentence.

This Mr. Hume calls clearing-up Sir Walter Ralegh's story, than which, he adds, though very obvious, scarcely any in Eng lish history is in general so grossly mistaken; and which, I beg leave, on closing his volume, to observe, either from indolence or design, no one has more grossly misrepresented than himself.

No. XXIII.

[Having neglected to notice in its proper place a letter from Sir John Harrington to Dr. John Still, bishop of Bath and Wells, written at the time of Ralegh's trial, I here subjoin the following extract from it, referring the reader to the ingenious Mr. Park's elegant edition of the Nuge Antique, Vol. I, p. 341.]

I much fear for my good Lord Grey and Ralegh. I hear the plot was well nigh accomplished to disturb our peace, and favour Arabella Stuart, the prince's cousin. The Spaniards bear no good will to Ralegh, and I doubt if some of the English have much better affection toward him. God deliver me from these designs!

I have spoken with Carew2 concerning the matter. He thinketh ill of certain people whom I know, and wisheth he could gain knowledge and farther inspection hereof, touching those who betrayed this business. Cecil doth bear no love to Ralegh, as you well understand in the matter of Essex. I wist not that he (Ralegh) hath evil design in point of faith or religion. As he hath oft discoursed to me with much learning, wisdom, and freedom, I know he doth somewhat differ in opinion from some others, but I think also his heart is well fixed in every honest thing, as far as I can look into him. He seemeth wondrously fitted, both by art and nature, to serve the state; especially as he is versed in foreign matters, his skill therein being alway estimable and praiseworthy. In religion, he hath shewn (in private talk) great depth and good reading,

Sir George Carew, afterward ambassador to the court of France.

as I once experienced at his own house, before many learned men. In good truth, I pity his state, and doubt the dice not fairly thrown, if his life be the losing stake; but hereof enough, as it becometh not a poor country knight, to look from the plough-handle into policy and privacy.'

FINIS:

Edinburgh, printed by Mundell and Son.