when the principle shall come into full operation, so that I can but see a prospect of its being ultimately established.

Such, Sir, are the measures which I have to submit to the Committee in the shape of a resolution; and I have now to thank it for the attention with which I have been listened to, while I have explained the principles on which that resolution is founded. There is one part of the arrangement which I omitted to state; but it is of so much importance that it ought to be mentioned. I allude to a provision which we have in view, for allowing all manufactured goods intended for exportation to be deposited in warehouses, and for admitting the depositors to the full benefit of the drawback on the goods deposited. The advantage of this arrangement will be, that any manufacturer who may happen to have a stock immensely large, will be enabled to receive the drawback on it before he exports it; and will thus be placed, up to a certain point, on a level with those who have purchased the raw material, under the proposed remisson of duty.

It is not, Sir, from an overweening attachment to any particular theory of political economy, that I have been induced to urge these principles upon the attention of the Committee; but because I believe them to be such as no men can call in question, and because I am convinced, that the application of them, in this particular instance, cannot fail to be eminently serviceable to the country. I have, in the course of my public life, seen too much of the uncertainty of theories, to be an enthusiast in favour of any. If I am accused of leaning strongly to liberal principles with regard to trade, I at once plead guilty to the charge: but they are principles founded in experience, and sanctioned by the highest authorities. In my opinion, to be liberal in matters of commercial policy is to remove the difficulties

and jealousies which have hitherto prevented a free intercourse between different nations, to extend to each the advantages and enjoyments of the other, and to promote arts, sciences, and civilization: and when we speak with reference to the commercial interests of this country, the argument is strengthened instead of being weakened. Her wealth, her industry, her talent, her prosperity, are all so many inducements for us to liberalize the system. In short, Sir, I would be liberal to other countries, because, amongst other reasons, I feel that by being so, I best consult the interests of my own.

The right honourable gentleman concluded, amidst loud cheers from all parts of the House, which were again reechoed by the silk manufacturers in the Gallery, with moving his first Resolution; viz. "That from and after the 25th of March, 1824, the several duties and drawbacks on the importation and exportation of the several sorts of Silk hereinafter mentioned, shall cease and determine; and also that from and after the 5th of July, 1826, the prohibitions on the importation of Silk Manufactures, shall cease and determine."

Mr. Baring confessed, that the impression made on the House by the speech of the President of the Board of Trade, was such as to render it a vain hope, that any thing which he could himself offer would remove it. He was, however, satisfied, that the proposed measure was a dangerous experiment for the country, and that those who proposed it were completely ruining the Silk Manufacture of England. They would find this out, when they had deprived thousands of poor manufacturers of their bread. All the shops of London would be full of silk goods. The moment this plan was promulgated, the object of all who had capitals embarked in the manufacture would be to disentangle those capitals; and those who had no capital, except their labour, would be left to struggle for themselves, and perhaps to perish for want. Mr. Hume denied that the measure in question was a mere experiment. It proceeded upon

such sound principles, that there could be no reasonable doubt of its success. The several Resolutions were agreed to, and a Bill was brought in founded thereupon; which passed on the 25th.

SALARIES OF CONSULS.

April 2.

In the Committee of Supply, on the resolution, that a certain Sum be granted to defray the probable charge for the Salaries of Consuls General, Consuls, and Vice-Consuls for the year 1824, Mr. Hume expressed his conviction, that if our Consuls were paid fixed Salaries, and were only allowed to receive certain small stated Fees, many of the difficulties would be removed, with which our Commerce was at present impeded.

Mr. HUSKISSON said, he was, to a certain degree, of the same opinion with the honourable member for Aberdeen, with regard to paying our consuls out of the public revenue. He intended, within a short period, to bring in a bill to enable Government to pay them out of the public purse, and to establish some uniformity in the system by which they were remunerated. At present, nothing could be more vague, varying, and uncertain, than the manner in which they obtained their emoluments. In some places, they had fees, in other they had none: in some places they exacted high, and in others they exacted only trifling, duties. He wished to reduce them all to one uniform practice; and to effect that purpose, he would give them fixed salaries, and allow them certain moderate fees on the different commercial instruments which it was their duty to make out, in the ordinary course of trade. He would also propose to levy a small tonnage upon all ships touching at the ports where we had consuls; and he would propose it for the purpose of defraying certain incidental expenses that were not paid out

of the public purse-such as those for distressed seamen and others of a similar nature.

CORPORATE COMPANIES-BILLS OF INCORPORATION -CHARTERS FROM THE CROWN.

May 10.

On the order of the day, for the second reading of the Bill for the incorporation and regulation of the Manchester and Salford Equitable Loan Company,

Mr. HUSKISSON said, that he should certainly object to bills of incorporation, unless where a charter was first regularly obtained from the Crown. This was the old and the regular course of Parliamentary proceeding. Having obtained their charter from the King in Council, the Company came to the House of Commons for further powers, and he saw no reason for deviating from the established practice. Legislative incorporations involved numberless difficulties; many of which could scarcely be dealt with. A charter from the Crown might be revoked, if it was abused, or if the Company failed to fulfil their undertakings with the public, but this could not be done in the case of a legislative enactment; and to authorize an unlimited number of trading companies in such a manner, would be to do a most material mischief to the country. He held, for instance, in his hand, the charter of the first Company which had been formed for lighting the city of London with Gas. According to the letter of that document, the power was given by the King, and might be revoked by the King, in case the company abused it. Here, then, was a means by which that particular company could be dealt with; but how could Government deal with about forty companies, not royally chartered,

which had been since formed for lighting different parts of England by gas? Companies were going on to form themselves into corporations for every purpose-no matter what -of trade. How was the public to proceed, in case they neglected to fulfil their conditions? Parties might go to law and get a verdict; but how and where were they to levy? He would not object to giving bodies who might be about to do business on a large scale, the power of sueing and being sued collectively; but he certainly should oppose the taking wild and idle speculation that might offer itself, out of the general operation of the laws of the country.

every

On the order of the day, for the second reading of the Bill for the Incorporation of the West-India Company,

Mr. HUSKISSON observed, that in what he had recently thrown out, he did not mean to say that there might not exist a strong case on the part of this particular Company for incorporation; but he could see nothing at present which took it out of the rule which he had just laid down with respect to the Manchester and Salford Equitable Loan Bill. Without attempting to judge the question of the policy of incorporating a West-India Company, he took the objection which he had before urged generally; namely, that the origin of it was irregular, and that the parties ought to be required to begin with obtaining first of all their charter from the Crown; and if it should be found that its powers were insufficient, they would then be entitled to come to Parliament, either for the enlarging or confirming of those powers.

The Bill was objected to by Mr. Sykes, who moved, that it be read a second time that day six months. It was also opposed by Mr. Williams, Mr. Whitmore, and Mr. William Smith, as tending to establish a baneful monopoly, and thereby to raise the price of Sugar.