with the debt due upon it, and examined an estimate of what would be necessary for extraordinary repairs. They called for an account of that part of the national debt for which no provision had been made. They ordered the speaker to write to the trustees for the forfeited estates in Ireland, to attend the house with a full detail of their proceedings in the execution of that act of parliament. On the ninth day of January, they unanimously resolved, that leave be given to bring in a bill for securing his majesty's person, and the succession of the crown in the protestant line, for extinguishing the hopes of the pretended prince of Wales, and all other pretenders, and their open and secret abettors. They resolved to address his majesty, that he would insert an article in all his treaties of alliance, importing, that no peace should be made with France, until his majesty and the nation have reparation for the great indignity offered by the French king, in owning, and declaring the pretended prince of Wales king of England, Scotland, and Ireland. They agreed to maintain forty thousand men for the sea service, and a like number by land, to act in conjunction with the forces of the allies, according to the proportions settled by the contracting powers. The supplies were raised by an imposition of four shillings in the pound upon lands, annuities, pensions, and stipends, and on the profits arising from the different professions: by a tax of two and one half per cent. on all stock in trade, and money at interest; of five shillings in the pound on all salaries, fees, and perquisites; a capitation tax of four shillings: an imposition of one per cent. on all shares in the capital stock of any corporation or company which should be bought, sold, or bargained for; a duty of six-pence per bushel on malt, and a further duty on mum, cider, and perry.

LXV. The commons seemed to vie with the lords in their zeal for the government. They brought in a bill for attainting the pretended prince of Wales, which being sent up to the other house, passed with an additional clause of attainder against the queen, who acted as regent for the pretender. This, however, was not carried without great opposition in the house of lords. When the bill was sent back to the commons, they excepted to the amendment as

irregular. They observed, that attainders by bill constituted the most rigorous part of the law; and that the stretching of it ought to be avoided. They proposed, that the queen should be attainted by a separate bill. The lords assented to the proposal; and the bill against the pretended prince of Wales passed. The lords passed another for attainting the queen; however, it was neglected in the house of commons. But the longest and warmest debates of this session were produced by a bill, which the lords brought in, for abjuring the pretended prince of Wales, and swearing to the king by the title of rightful and lawful king, and his heirs, according to the act of settlement. It was proposed, that this oath should be voluntary, tendered to all persons, and their subscription or refusal recorded without any other penalty. This article was violently opposed by the earl of Nottingham, and other lords of the tory interest. They observed, that the government was first settled with another oath, which was like an original contract: so that there was no occasion for a new imposition: that oaths relating to mens' opinions had been always considered as severe impositions; and that a voluntary oath was in its own nature unlawful. During these disputes, another bill of abjuration was brought into the house of commons by sir Charles Hedges, that should be obligatory on all persons who enjoyed employments in church or state; it likewise included an obligation to maintain the government in king, lords, and commons, and to maintain the church of England, together with the toleration for dissenters. Warm debates arose upon the question, whether the oath should be imposed or voluntary; and at length it was carried for imposition, by the majority of one voice. They agreed to insert an additional clause, declaring it equally penal to compass or imagine the death of her royal highness the princess Anne of Denmark, as it was to compass or imagine the death of the king's eldest son and heir. In the house of peers this bill was strenuously opposed by the tories; and, when after long debates it passed on the twenty-fourth day of February, ten lords entered a protest against it, as an unnecessary and severe imposition.

LXVI. The whole nation now seemed to join in the cry for a war with France. Party heats began to abate:

the factions in the city of London were in a great measure moderated by the union of the two companies trading to the East Indies, which found their mutual interest required a coalition. The tories in the house of commons, having concurred so heartily with the inclinations of the people, resolved, as far as it lay in their power, to justify the conduct of their party in the preceding parliament. They complained of some petitions and addresses which had reflected upon the proceedings of the last house of commons, and particularly of the Kentish petition. The majority, however, determined, that it was the undoubted right of the people of England to petition or address the king, for the calling, sitting, or dissolving of parliaments, and for the redressing of grievances; and that every subject under any accusation, either by impeachment or otherwise, had a right to be brought to a speedy trial. A complaint being likewise made, that the lords had denied the commons justice in the matter of the late impeachments, a furious debate ensued; and it was carried by a very small majority that justice had not been denied. In some points, however, they succeeded: In the case of a controverted election at Maidstone, between Thomas Blisse and Thomas Culpepper, the house resolved, that the latter had been not only guilty of corrupt, scandalous, and indirect practices, in endeavouring to procure himself to be elected a burgess; but likewise, being one of the instruments in promoting and presenting the scandalous, insolent, and seditious petition, commonly called the Kentish petition to the last house of commons, was guilty of promoting a scandalous, villanous, and groundless reflection upon that house, by aspersing the members with receiving French money, or being in the interest of France; for which offence he was ordered to be committed to Newgate, and to be prosecuted by his majes ty's attorney general. They also resolved, that to assert that the house of commons is not the only representative of the commons of England, tends to the subversion of the rights and privileges of the house of commons, and the fundamental constitution of the government of this kingdom: That to assert, that the house of commons have no power of commitment, but of their own members, tends to the subversion of the constitution of the house of commons:

that to print or publish any books, or libels, reflecting upon the proceedings of the house of commons, or any member thereof, for or relating to his service therein, is a high violation of the rights and privileges of the house of commons. Notwithstanding these transactions, they did not neglect the vigorous prosecution of the war. They addressed his majesty to interpose with his allies, that they might increase their quotas of land forces, to be put on board the fleet in proportion to the numbers his majesty should embark. When they had settled the sums appropriated to the several uses of the war, they presented a second address, desiring he would provide for the halfpay officers, in the first place, in the recruits and levies to be made. The king assured them, it was always his intention to provide for those officers. He went to the house of peers, and gave the royal assent to an act, appointing commissioners to take, examine, and determine the debts due to the army, navy, and the transport service; and also to take an account of prizes taken during the war.

§ LXVII. The affairs of Ireland were not a little em'barrassed by the conduct of the trustees appointed to take cognisance of the forfeited estates. Their office was extremely odious to the people, as well as to the court, and their deportment was arbitrary and imperious. Several individuals of that kingdom, provoked by the insolence of the trustees on one hand, and encouraged by the countenance of the courtiers on the other, endeavoured, by a circular letter, to spirit up the grand jury of Ireland against the act of resumption: petitions were presented to the king, couched in very strong terms, affirming, that it was injurious to the protestant interest, and had been obtained by gross misinformations. The king having communicated these addresses to the house, they were immediately voted scandalous, false, and groundless: and the commons resolved, that, notwithstanding the complaints and clamours against the trustees, it did not appear to the house but those complaints were groundless: nevertheless they afterwards received several petitions, imploring relief against the said act; and they ordered that the petitioners should be relieved accordingly. Proposals were delivered in for incorporating such as should purchase the said forfeitures, on certain terms

imated, the states resolved to prosecute vigorous mea sures: their resolutions were still more inspirited by the ar rival of the earl of Marlborough, whom the queen honoured with the order of the garter, and invested with the character of ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to the states general: he was likewise declared captain general of her forces both at home and abroad. He assured the States, that her Britannic majesty would maintain the alliances which had been concluded by the late king, and do every thing that the common concerns of Europe required. The speech was answered by Dickvelt, president of the week, who, in the name of the States, expressed their hearty thanks to her majesty, and their resolutions of concurring with her in a vigorous prosecution of the common interest.

§ III. The importance of William's life was evinced by, the joy that diffused itself through the kingdom of France at the news of his decease. The person who first brought the tidings to Calais was imprisoned by the gover nor, until his information was confirmed. The court of Versailles could hardly retain their transports so as to preserve common decorum: the people of Paris openly rejoiced at the event: all decency was laid aside at Rome, where this incident produced such indecent raptures, that cardinal Grimani, the Imperial minister, complained of them to the pope, as an insult on his master the emperor, who was William's friend, confederate, and ally. The French king despatched credentials to Barre, whom the count d'Avaux had left at the Hague to manage the affairs of France, together with instructions to renew the negotiation with the States, in hope of detaching them from the alliance. This minister presented a memorial implying severe reflec tions on king William, and the past conduct of the Dutch ; and insinuating, that now they had recovered their liberty, the court of France hoped they would consult their true interest. The count de Goes, envoy from the emperor, animadverted on these expressions in another memorial, which was likewise published: the States produced in public an answer to the same remonstrance, expressing their resentment at the insolence of such insinuations, and their vene ration for the memory of their late stadtholder. The earl of Marlborough succeeded in every part of his negotiation VOL. I. Ccc