such an outrageous insult to his honour; whether the tories intended to alienate the minds of the nation from all foreign connexions, or to wreak their vengeance on the late minis térs, whom they hated as the chiefs of the whig party, certain it is, they now raised an universal outcry against the partition treaty, which was not only condemned in public pamphlets and private conversation, but even brought into the house of lords as an object of parliamentary censure. In the month of March a warm debate on this subject was begun by Sheffield marquis of Normandy, and carried on with great vehemence by other noblemen of the same faction. They exclaimed against the article by which so many territories were added to the crown of France: they complained, that the emperor had been forsaken: that the treaty was not communicated to the privy council or ministry, but clandestinely transacted by the earls of Portland and Jersey: that the sanction of the great seal had been unjustly and irregularly applied, first to blank powers, and afterwards to the treaty itself. The courtiers replied, that the king had engaged in a treaty of partition at the desire of the emperor, who had agreed to every article, except that relating to the dutchy of Milan, and afterwards desired, that his majesty would procure for him the best terms he could obtain: above all things recommending secrecy, that he might not forfeit his interest in Spain, by seeming to consent to the treaty: that foreign negotiations being intrusted to the care of the crown, the king lay under no legal obligation to communicate such secrets of state to his council; far less was he obliged to follow their advice; and that the keeper of the great seal had no authority for refusing to apply it to any powers or treaty which the king should grant or conclude, unless they were contrary to law, which had made no provision for such an emergency. The earl of Portland apprehending that this tempest would burst upon his head, declared on the second day of the debate, that he

f In the course of this debate, the earl of Rochester reprehended some lords for speaking disrespectfully of the French king, observing, that it was peculiarly Incumbent on peers to treat monarchs with decorum and respect, as they derived their dignity from the crown. Another affirming, that the French king was not only to be respected, but likewise to be feared, a certain lord replied, "he hoped "no man in England need to be afraid of the French king; much less the peer "who spoke last, who was too much a friend to that monarch to fear any thing " from his resentment."

had by the king's order communicated the treaty, before it was concluded, to the earls of Pembroke and Marlborough, the lords Lonsdale, Somers, Halifax, and secretary Ver non. These noblemen owned, that they had been made acquainted with the substance of it: that when they excepted to some particulars, they were told, his majesty had carried the matter as far it could be advanced, and that he could obtain no better terms; thus assured that every article was already settled, they said they no longer insisted upon particulars, but gave their advice that his majesty should not engage himself in any measure that would produce a new war, seeing the nation had been so uneasy under the last. After long debates, and great variety as well as virulence of altercation, the house agreed to an address, in which they disapproved of the partition treaty, as a scheme inconsistent with the peace and safety of Europe as well as prejudicial to the interest of Great Britain. They complained, that neither the instructions given to his plenipotentiaries, nor the draft of the treaty itself, had been laid before his majesty's council. They humbly besought him, that for the future, he would in all matters of importance, require and admit the advice of his natural born subjects of known probity and fortune; and that he would constitute a council of such persons, to whom he might impart all affairs which should any way concern him and his dominions. They observed, that interest and natural affection to their country would incline them to every measure that might tend to its: welfare and prosperity; whereas strangers could not be so much influenced by these considerations : that their knowledge of the country would render them more capable than foreigners could be of advising his majesty touching the true interests of this kingdom: that they had exhibited such repeated demonstrations of their duty and affection, as must convince his majesty of their zeal in his service; nor could he want the knowledge of persons fit to be employed in all his secret and arduous affairs: finally, as the French king appeared to have violated the treaty of partition, they advised his majesty, in future negotiations with that prince, to proceed with such caution as might imply a real security.

g Burnet. Oldmixon. Cole. Lamberty. State Tracts. Tindal. Ralph. Voltaire.

§ XLVIII. The king received this severe remonstrance with his usual phlegm; saying, it contained matter of very great moment: and he would take care that all treaties he made should be for the honour and safety of England. Though he deeply felt this affront, he would not alter his conduct towards the new ministers: but, he plainly perceived their intention was to thwart him in his favourite measure, and humble him into a dependence upon their interest in parliament. On the last day of March,* he imparted to the commons the French king's declaration, that he would grant no other security than a renewal of the treaty of Ryswick: so that the negotiation seemed to be at an end. He likewise communicated two resolutions of the states general, with a memorial from their envoy in England, relating to the ships they had equipped with a view to join the English fleet, and the succours stipulated in the treaty concluded in the year 1677, which they desired might be sent over with all convenient expedition. The house having considered this message, unanimously resolved to desire his majesty would carry on the negotiatons in concert with the states general, and take such measures therein as might most conduce to their safety: they assured him, they would effectually enable him to support the treaty of 1677, by which England was bound to assist them with the thousand men, and twenty ships of war, in case they should be attacked. Though the king was nettled at that part of this address, which, by confining him to one treaty, implied their disapprobation of a new confederacy, he discovered no signs of emotion: but thanked them for the assurance they had given, and told them he had sent orders to his envoy at the Hague, to continue the conferences with the courts. of France and Spain. On the nineteenth day of April, the marquis de Torcy delivered to the earl of Manchester, at Paris, a letter from the new king of Spain to his Britannic majesty, notifying his accession to that throne, and expressing a desire of cultivating a mutual friendship with the king and crown of England. How averse soever William might have been to any correspondence of this sort, the earl of Rochester and the new ministers importuned him in such

* An. 1701.

a manner to acknowledge Philip, that he at length complied with their entreaties, and wrote a civil answer to his most catholic majesty. This was a very alarming incident to the emperor, who was bent upon a war with the two crowns, and had determined to send prince Eugene with an army into Italy, to take possession of the dutchy of Milan, as a fief of the empire. The new pope, Clement XI. who had succeeded to the papacy in the preceding year, was attached to the French interest: the Venetians favoured the emperor; but they refused to declare themselves at this juncture.

XLIX. The French king consented to a renewal of the negotiations at the Hague; but, in the mean time tampered with the Dutch deputies, to engage them in a separate treaty. Finding them determined to act in concert with the king of England, he protracted the conferences, in order to gain time, while he erected fortifications, and drew lines on the frontiers of Holland, divided the princes of the empire by his intrigues, and endeavoured to gain over the states of Italy. The Dutch, meanwhile, exerted themselves in providing for their own security. They reenforced their garrisons, purchased supplies, and solicited succours from foreign potentates. The States wrote a letter, to king William, explaining the danger of their situation, professing the most inviolable attachment to the interest of England, and desiring that the stipulated number of troops should be sent immediately to their assistance. The three Scottish regiments which he had retained in his own pay were immediately transported from Scotland. The letter of the states general he communicated to the house of commons, who having taken it into consideration, resolved to assist his majesty to support his allies in maintaining the liberty of Europe; and to provide immediate succours for the states general, according to the treaty of .1677. The house of peers to whom the letter was also communicated, carried their zeal still farther. They presented an address, in which they desired his majesty would not only perform the articles of any former treaty with the states general, but also engage with them in a strict league offensive and defensive, for their common preservation and invite into it all the princes and states that were concerned in the present visible danger arising from the

union of France and Spain. They exhorted him to enter into such alliances with the emperor, as his majesty should think necessary, pursuant to the ends of the treaty concluded in the year 1689. They assured him of their hearty and sincere assistance, not doubting that Almighty God would protect his sacred person in so righteous a cause; and that the unanimity, wealth, and courage of his subjects would carry him with honour and success through all the difficulties of a just war. Lastly, they took leave humbly to represent, that the dangers to which his kingdom and allies had been exposed, were chiefly owing to the fatal counsels that prevented his majesty's sooner meeting his people in parliament.

L. These proceedings of both houses could not but be very agreeable to the king, who expressed his satisfaction in his answer to each apart. They were the more remarkable, as at this very time considerable progress was made in a design to impeach the whole ministry. This deviation, therefore, from the tenor of their former conduct could be owing to no other motive than a sense of their own danger, and resentment against France, which, even during the negotiation, had been secretly employed in making preparations to surprise and distress the states general. The commons having expressed their sentiments on this subject, resumed the consideration of the partition treaty. They had appointed a committee to examine the journals of the house of lords, and to report their proceedings in relation to the treaty of partition. When the report was made by sir Edward Seymour, the house resolved itself into a committee, to consider the state of the nation : after warm debates, they resolved, that William earl of Portland, by negotiating and concluding the treaty of partition, was guilty of a high crime and misdemeanor. They ordered sir John Leveson Gower to impeach him at the bar of the house of lords: and named a committee to prepare the articles of his impeachment. Then, in a conference with the lords, they desired to know the particulars of what had passed between the earl of Port⚫ land and secretary Vernon, in relation to the partition treaty, as also what other information they had obtained concerning negotiations or treaties of partition of the Spanish monarchy. The lords demurring to this demand, the lower