strances, would have passed through the offices, had not the Welsh gentlemen addressed themselves by petition to the house of commons. Upon this occasion, Mr. Price, a member of the house, harangued with great severity against the Dutch in general, and did not even abstain from sarcasms upon the king's person, title, and government. The objections started by the petitioners being duly considered, were found so reasonable, that the commons presented an address to the king, representing, that those manors had been usually annexed to the principality of Wales, and settled on the princes of Wales for their support: that many persons in those parts held their estates by royal tenure, under great and valuable compositions, rents, royal payments, and services to the crown and princes of Wales; and enjoyed great privileges and advantages under such tenure. They, therefore, besought his majesty to recal the grant, which was in diminution of the honour and interest of the crown; and prayed, that the said manors and lands might not be alienated without the consent of parliament. This address met with a cold reception from the king, who promised to recal the grant which had given such offence to the commons and said he would find some other way of showing his favour to the earl of Portland.

§ XXVI. The people in general entertained a national aversion to this nobleman: the malcontents inculcated a notion that he made use of his interest and intelligence to injure the trade of England, that the commerce of his own country might flourish without competition. To his suggestions they imputed the act and patent in favour of the Scottish company, which was supposed to have been thrown in as a bone of contention between the two kingdoms. The subject was first started in the house of lords, who invited the commons to a conference: a committee was appointed to examine into the particulars of the act for erecting the Scottish company; and the two houses presented a joint address against it, as a scheme that would prejudice all the subjects concerned in the wealth and trade of the English nation. They represented, that, in consequence of the exemption from taxes, and other advantages granted to the Scottish company, that kingdom would become a free port for all East and West India commodities:

that the Scots would be enabled to supply all Europe at a cheaper rate than the English could afford to sell their merchandise for; therefore, England would lose the benefit of its foreign trade: besides they observed that the Scots would smuggle their commodities into England, to the great detriment of his majesty and his customs. To this remonstrance the king replied, that he had been ill served in Scotland; but that he hoped some remedies would be found to prevent the inconveniences of which they were apprehensive. In all probability he had been imposed upon by the ministry of that kingdom; for, in a little time, he discarded the marquis of Tweedale, and dismissed both the Scottish secretaries of state, in lieu of whom he appointed lord Murray, son to the marquis of Athol. Notwithstanding the king's answer, the committee proceeded on the inquiry, and in consequence of their report, confirming a petition from the East India company, the house resolved, that the directors of the Scottish company were guilty of a high crime and misdemeanor, in administering and taking an oath de fideli in this kingdom; and that they should be impeached for the same. Meanwhile, Roderic Mackenzie, from whom they had received their chief information, began to retract his evidence, and was ordered into custody: but he made his escape, and could not be retaken, although the king, at their request, issued a proclamation for that purpose. The Scots were extremely incensed against the king, when they understood he had disowned their company, from which they had promised themselves such wealth and advantage. The settlement of Darien was already planned, and afterwards put in execution, though it miscarried in the sequel, and had like to have produced abundance of mischief.

XXVII. The complaints of the English merchants who had suffered by the war were so loud at this juncture, that the commons resolved to take their case into consideration. The house resolved itself into a committee to consider the state of the nation with regard to commerce, and having duly weighed all circumstances, agreed to the fol lowing resolutions: that a council of trade should be established by act of parliament, with powers to take measures for the more effectual preservation of commerce; that

the commissioners should be nominated by parliament, but none of them have seats in the house; that they should take an oath, acknowledging the title of king William as rightful and lawful: and abjuring the pretensions of James, or any other person. The king considered these resolutions as an open attack upon his prerogative, and signified his displeasure to the earl of Sunderland, who patronized this measure: but it was so popular in the house, that in all probability it would have been put in execution, had not the attention of the commons been diverted from it at this period by the detection of a new conspiracy. The friends of king James had, upon the death of queen Mary, renewed their practices for effecting a restoration of that monarch, on the supposition that the interest of William was considerably weakened by the decease of his consort. Certain individuals, whose zeal for James overshot their discretion, formed a design to seize the person of king William, and convey him to France, or put him to death in case of resistance. They had sent emissaries to the court of St. Germains, to demand a commission for this purpose, which was refused. The earl of Aylesbury, lord Montgomery, son to the marquis of Powis, sir John Fenwick, sir John Friend, captain Charnock, captain Porter, and one Mr. Goodman, were the first contrivers of this project. Charnock was detached with a proposal to James, that he should procure a body of horse and foot from France, to make a descent in England, and they would engage not only to join him at his landing, but even to replace him on the throne of England. These offers being declined by James, on pretence that the French king could not spare such a number of troops at that juncture, the earl of Aylesbury went over in person, and was admitted to a conference with Lewis, in which the scheme of an invasion was actually concerted. In the beginning of February, the duke of Berwick repaired privately to England, where he conferred with the conspirators, assured them that king James was ready to make a descent with a considerable number of French forces, distributed commissions, and gave directions for providing men, arms, and horses, to join him at his arrival. When he returned to France, he found every thing prepared for the expedition. The troops were drawn down to the sea

side: a great number of transports were assembled at Dunkirk monsieur Gabaret had advanced as far as Calais with a squadron of ships, which, when joined by that of du Bart at Dunkirk, was judged a sufficient convoy; and James had come as far as Calais in his way to embark. Meanwhile, the jacobites in England were assiduously employed in making preparations for a revolt. Sir John Friend had very near completed a regiment of horse. Considerable progress was made in levying another by sir William Perkins. Sir John Fenwick had enlisted four troops. Colo nel Tempest had undertaken for one regiment of dragoons: colonel Parker was preferred to the command of another: Mr. Curzon was commissioned for a third; and the malcontents intended to raise a fourth in Suffolk, where their interest chiefly prevailed.

§ XXVIII. While one part of the jacobites proceeded against William in the usual way of exciting an insurrection, another, consisting of the most desperate conspirators, had formed a scheme of assassination. Sir George Barclay, a native of Scotland, who had served as an officer in the army of James, a man of undaunted courage, a furious bigot in the religion of Rome, yet close, circumspect, and determined, was landed with other officers, in Romney marsh, by one captain Gill, about the beginning of January, and is said to have undertaken the task of seizing or assassinating king William. He imparted his design to Harrison, alias Johnston a priest, Charnock, Porter, and sir William Perkins, by whom it was approved; and he pretended to have a particular commission for this service. After various consultations, they resolved to attack the king on his return from Richmond, where he commonly hunted on Saturdays; and the scene of their intended ambuscade was a lane between Brentford and Turnham Green. As it would be necessary to charge and disperse the guards that attended the coach, they agreed that their number should be increased to forty horsemen, and each conspirator began to engage proper persons for the enterprise. When the compliment was full, they determined to execute their purpose on the Afteenth day of February. They concerted the manner in which they should meet in small parties without suspicion, and waited with impatience for the hour of action. In this VOL. I.

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interval, some of the underling actors, seized with horror at the reflection of what they had undertaken, or captivated with the prospect of reward, resolved to prevent the execution of the design by a timely discovery. On the eleventh day of February one Fisher informed the earl of Portland of the scheme, and named some of the conspirators; but his account was imperfect. On the thirteenth, however, he returned with a circumstantial detail of all the particulars. Next day, the earl was accosted by one Pendergrass, an Irish officer, who told his lordship he had just come from Hampshire, at the request of a particular friend, and understood that he had been called up to town with a view of engaging him in a design to assassinate king William. He said, he had promised to embark in the undertaking, though he detested it in his own mind, and took this first opportunity of revealing the secret, which was of such consequence to his majesty's life. He owned himself a Roman catholic, but declared, that he did not think any religion could justify such a treacherous purpose. At the same time he observed, that as he lay under obligations to some of the conspirators, his honour and gratitude would not permit him to accuse them by name; and that he would upon no consideration appear an evidence. The king had been so much used to fictitious plots, and false discoveries, that he paid little regard to the information, until they were confirmed by the testimony of another conspirator called la Rúe, a Frenchman, who communicated the same particulars to brigadier Levison, without knowing the least circumstance of the other discoveries. Then the king believed there was something real in the conspiracy; and Pendergrass and la Rue were severally examined in his presence. He thanked Pendergrass in particular for this instance of his probity, but, observed that it must prove ineffectual, unless he would discover the names of the conspirators; for, without knowing who they were, he should not be able to secure his life against their attempts. At length Pendergrass was prevailed upon to give a list of those he knew, yet not before the king had solemnly promised that he should not be used as an evidence against them, except with his own consent. As the king did not go to Richmond on the day appointed, the conspirators postponed the execution of their