principles, can apply against attempts to examine the practical propriety of particular measures, though, we confess, we have thrown out enough to prevent any sanguine hope of arriving at demonstration or unanimity. Still, however, though we cannot pretend, nor indeed would wish to establish the right of universal suffrage, it may be within our jurisdiction and ability, to illustrate the bad character and bad consequences of such proceedings as have lately thrown the nation into disturbance:—it may be permitted us to compare the conduct and talents of particular public men; to endeavour to deduce from these their respective capacities for serving the nation ;-to seek to fortify what are unanimously regarded as the best and strongest points in the national character; to abash, or at least expose the viperous front of disaffected faction, and the brazen countenance of venal flattery;-urgently to address the sense of integrity, and patriotic affection, when the foundation of manners is assailed, and the supports of good faith and confidence shaken, throughout their whole social union, by glaring instances of dereliction from honour and decency, displayed amongst the conspicuous classes, or on the elevated stations of society. Without pretending to as certain the conditions of the original social contract; or rather disbelieving that there ever was, or could be, one entered into, it may nevertheless be permitted us to examine the connection of public energy with the degrees of public liberty; and of the stability of the institutions of government, with their popularity and happy influence on the mass of the governed. Without debating the principles of the union between church and state, it may not, perhaps, be deemed altogether presumptuous in us to suggest, that the members of the body of established clergy do in justice to their high calling, and give advantage to the scoffer, when they become heated and violent instruments to forward the purposes of worldly authority, in a suspicious coincidence with the views of private interest: and, on the other hand, we may, we hope, be allowed to say a word in behalf of the instincts of human nature, and the wants of the human soul, when liberality in poliVOL. III.

tics is attempted to be connected with hostility to general religion, and the philosophy of improvement is turned from its fair direction, to point towards licentiousness of manners, and consequent domestic desolation.

Upon which of the points of opinion, to be gathered from the preceding observations, can any really honest man be prepared to quarrel with us? Nor are we without a hope of effecting something more than merely sheltering ourselves from abso lute hostility: our own most decided conviction is, that until such sentiments and feelings are drawn forth from that privacy,-where doubtless they now exist to a far greater extent ́ than their silence gives superficial observers reason to suppose, and be come a principle of action, uniting in strenuous endeavour, for the country's welfare, the respectable understandings, and fair and faithful intentions which constitute and characterize the core of the British community,-the country must continue plunged in growing evils, and become every day more and more involved in disheartening circumstances of disagreement, of deterioration, and jeopardy. It really would almost seem as if a revolution of manners was already begun amongst us; and if there be any thing at all certain in politics, it is that such a revolution is the invariable forerunner of a general change in the institutions of society. A change of this sort in this country, if produced by the present visible agents of alteration, must be for the worse:-there are no symptoms whatever, calculated to beget confidence in the effects of any political metamorphosis produced under the auspices of those who are now actively endeavouring to bring one about. Such of the radical reformers as are sincere, seem to be men of pert and vain tempers; with nothing of the old English masculine cast of character-that freedom from affectation, that instinctive philosophy, the pride of which is its harmony with common sense, and its triumph amendment without subversion. They are of alien breed: they do not look to the past with natural affection; they do not feel the weight of the ancient glory of England; they are accustomed to espouse the calumnies of her enemies; they are not sensible

of the responsibility which her name throws on those who would even modify the institutions under which its renown has been accumulated. They are not national in their feelings and tastes; they have vivacity, but they are of shallow hearts, and are without imagination. Mr. Hobhouse, a smart man, is an example of what we mean:* his books, his speeches, his opinions on religion, are all alien in their style to the English character. A more meagre principle than an English soul animates his moral and intellectual being altogether: there is a flippancy about his thoughts which ill-suits with the rancour of his language. He is worthy to be the historian of the "hundred days," but for England, whose history is composed of centuries, his powers are too small. At Rome he busied himself with criticizing dates and names; and in this, as in other respects, he has shewn himself more fitted to play the part of a French philosopher than of an English patriot. His place is Paris: there he shone, and was much admired :-there he would eclipse Sir Francis Burdett; but in the English House of Commons he will never command or deserve that respectful attention, from a host of adversaries, which is given to his colleague, and brother reformer.

England would become another and inferior country to that which it has been, were its future destinies to be modelled by such hands; and the worst feature in her present condition, is the almost nullity in the state, of the individuals who in public business would be the representatives of her genuine character. We allude to certain men of fortune, rank, and talent, animated by the spirit of her history, faithful to that path of improvement which she has so sedately and successfully followed,-alive to the spirit of enterprize which distinguishes the present time, yet too mindful of their country's dignity to think of submitting her to unnecessary risks, or even of running hazards for improvement in the reckless manner of nations that have all to gain and nothing to lose. The courtiers, on one side, and the disaffected on

the other, have contrived to destroy the influence of genuine statesmen altogether; and the public are consequently divided in a very unhappy way. A great proportion of the people,-comprising much of what is most respectable in private life, and secure and stedfast in society,support the persons occupying the established places of government,not in the exercise of a sagacious and discriminating conviction of their rectitude and wisdom,-but as the least of two evils,-as leaning to the safer side,—to keep the semblance of property and order together, and continue old names and customs, threatened as they think all these would be with subversion and ruin, were unnecessary opposition to afford an advantage to the schemes of the men who imported Paine's skeleton as the symbol and standard of British Reform. On the other side is placed the comparatively small, but active party of those who are disaffected in heart and soul to the present system of society; who have in view its complete up-breaking; who covet a new partition of goods, and would bring this about by an entire change of opinions and institutions. The former and larger division are guilty of the inconsistency of respiting the action of British goodsense and independent sentiment-to which the long stability and enduring strength of the country are chiefly to be traced-with the wish of contributing to the permanency and tranquillity of the state! It is very bad reasoning indeed that leads to this conduct; the experience of history is all pointed against it,-but every day there is afforded another, and still more striking proof of its incorrectness.

The mere courtiers are much less incensed against the disaffected personally,-and the disaffected shew much less absolute anger against the courtiers, than both these parties display against the individuals who stand between them. These are such high-minded moderate politicians as are animated by the spirit of the British Constitution; who acknowledge it to be a spirit of liberty and improvement;

but whose affections and understand ings abide by the ancient order of our society, because they see in it admirable provisions, adapted to human nature, for the preservation of social peace and safety, and for developing and stimulating those aspirations and capacities which tend to benefit, distinguish, and ornament the domestic life, and public character of nations. A glowing and at the same time sedate patriotism, shining from a lofty eminence in the eyes of men, and attracting admiration to its pure and steady lustre like, for instance, the fine flame which irradiates the public conduct and compositions of that young nobleman Lord John Russel-is what the extreme factions chiefly dread and detest. For the same reason, it ought to be steadily regarded by the people as a beacon of hope and safety. It is in such splendid examples of intellect in wealth, and liberality in elevated station, that the glory of British history and the brilliancy of the national reputation, may best be contemplated. Their lustre has ever led the march of the nation onward to its richest possessions, as the pillar of fire led the tribes through the desart to the land of milk and honey. Unlucky circumstances, and base arts, have, for some years past, chilled the sympathy which ought to exist between the honest sense of the people, and the impulses of those talents and virtues which are advantageously placed by Providence, united to great names and honorable titles in advance of the common situations of society, in order to give forcible effect to their operation on public opinion, and the public welfare. The consequence has been, that apathy has succeeded to energy amongst the sound and substantial part of the community,-and that reproach, thrown with impunity by the mischievous on the worthy, has totally destroyed in politics the influence of the best class of politicians. Look at the noble display of talent, probity, and zeal lately made by Earl Grey; and consider how much the dignity of the country would have gained had such a mind guided the course of the government, with reference to a recent particular occasion, instead of the timid and subservient dispositions which

have led to so much mortification, exposure, and disgrace. It has been hitherto the great distinction and blessing of this nation, that its nobility and gentry, without sinking into the class of regular courtiers, but retaining their independent character and capacity, have occupied themselves with the public affairs, counselled the throne, and powerfully influenced its measures. In no other country have distinguished subjects been able to render themselves of any value with reference to the court, but as its satellites: but with us, independent gentlemen have played the part of eminent statesmen, and have served the prince and the people,-each more effectually from stooping to neither. Unhappily, however, these natural guardians of the institutions and liberties of their native land, have of late seen their proper and necessary weight in the commonwealth annihilated-and in favour of whom? Mere placemen, and vulgar mal-contents! The balance of authority and opposition, that proud boast, and useful privilege of this country, has been entirely left to such counteracting parties as Mr. Cobbett see-sawing Mr. Croker, and the editor of the Examiner tilting Mr. Canning, once editor of the Anti-Jacobin! In the same way we find it now proposed, (the first suggestion of the plan, we are told, proceeding from the monarch personally) that a LITERARY ACADEMY should be formed, on the model of that wretched French institution over which English genius has been accustomed to exult in words, as well as triumph in works,-to constitute a makeweight against the Sunday press! Such Signs of the Times as these are prodigiously discouraging: they seem to indicate the extinction of the old spirit of the country. The demon of scandal sits perched on the pinnacle of our king's palace, chattering, and laughing, and pointing with his fin- . ger into the interior,-while an excited populace look up, and re-echo the hootings of the fiend. What a contrast does this present to the "old domestic morals" of the British court,-and how destructive the effect of such a contrast on that feeling of reverential allegiance which has been the ancient companion of independent sentiment in this once

solidly-founded common-wealth. No public interest whatever called for running the fearful hazard of a recent disgusting exposure:-it necessarily and inevitably led to recrimination in both heart and mouth, calculated terribly to prejudice, in public esteem, an august public functionary, whose real power consists but in the respect which his title excites. The dignified clergy, in the first assembly of the nation, have alluded, in their united capacities of bishops and legislators, to the vices which constitute an insuperable bar to a measure, introduced by the servants of the Crown as one of redress for the Sovereign, but which these vices represent as one of contemplated injustice. Why expose the Crown to this disgrace?-or incur the risk of a still greater calamity,-viz. that of seeing men, clothed with honorable titles and dignities, forfeiting their honour in subserviency to the Court as a fountain of distinction and profit? The Queen's conduct was neither the only, nor even the principal matter which presented itself for the serious consideration of the persons on whom it fell to decide on the institution of the late inquiry:-there were several infinitely more important points for them to weigh. What conduct had been pursued towards, as well as by her Majesty ;-what effect such a domestic dispute would have on the public mind;-what good could be its result, and what bad might;-what excitement it was likely to make of popular passion ;what means it was likely to put into the hands of the disaffected-what temptation it was likely to offer to the clergy, and magistracy, and other subaltern officres in the state, to pursue a line of conduct marring their utility by injuring their respectability, and calculated to shake the foundation of religious and loyal sentiment in the land, by branding the peculiar promulgators of both with an odious character for power-serving, and discreditable violence.-These are the questions to which his Majesty's ministers were bound to give the greatest share of their attention, when it was first in agitation to adopt severe neasures, tending to a public conflict, against the Queen. The private feelings of one of the parties are as nothing compared with

these great state considerations ;and they are so obvious, and so palpable are the deductions from them, that no honest man of sound judgement can for a moment hesitate to pronounce, that ministers violated their duty, both to the throne and the public, when they consented to become the instruments of this most fatal attack on a woman, whose tastes and habits do not appear to be at all congenial to English notions of what is seemly, but whose courage, sufferings, and ill-treatment have induced the people generally to consider her cause as one entitled to the support of generous feeling and the national magnanimity. And this conclusion, to which they have come, is a correct one, under all the circumstances of the case-however wild, absurd, and distasteful may be much of the matter mixed up with the popular support. The fault, here, is chiefly to be laid against those who have kindled this effervescence,—unwisely, if the measures that have been pursued by the administration are regarded in a public light, and unfairly if they are contemplated as emanating from irritated personal feeling. Every thing conspired to dictate abstinence and reserve on this unhappy subject: the private consciousness of the palace, the honour of the government, the tranquillity of the people. Suppose the Queen guilty of all laid to her charge; her crimes, as a wife, cannot fairly be considered before a public tribunal, but in connection with the treatment she has received as one; and though it would be deplorable that such an example of misconduct should escape with impunity, it would be ten times more honorable to the country that it should do so, than that England should present the spectacle of power taking advantage of the injuries it has inflicted, and overcoming, in the name of justice, a party towards whom it stood in the capacity of offender.

But such reflections are now aftertime: the mischief hath been effected, and this is surely of a more extensive and enduring nature than the moral and political constitution of the British common-wealth has ever before sustained. Never before has such deadly havoc been made amongst all the fences of external and titular dig

nity which hedge-in the seats of public authority:-the veil has been rent in twain, and the sight displayed behind it has substituted mockery for respect. The titles of the State have lost their charmed hold on the mind, since they have been connected with a process of scandal, folly, and profligacy, carried on laboriously, from day to day, before mitres and coronets-the personal habits, and domestic intercourse of royalty founding the ground-work of the licentious farce. The late inquiry is unique in the history of the world: under a despotic government no such frightful exposure could take place, and no free one has ever hitherto so far violated both prudence and duty. The radicals, who, before this, had made not one step towards weight or consideration, have now been enabled to give an air of chivalry to their confederation; and to talk of loyalty to the Queen, and of the courtesies due to the female sex, and of the duty of manhood towards an oppressed lady! There has been dreadful mis-management in all this: but the effects of the improvidence and mistake committed cannot be cured by irrational zeal, or insincere professions. The good sense, candour, and intrepidity of the country must be arrayed out, in full and imposing

force, in the country's defence. The tricks and violence of party can no longer be of any avail: men's minds have been too far alienated to be gained back by mere words. A vast preponderating mass of attachment to the ancient order of our law, and the social structure of England, still exists in the nation; and so far it possesses a mighty advantage over most of the other states of Europe; but to enable this attachment to display itself, or rather to hinder it from perishing, we must have rank and title again seen forward, and adventurous, and triumphant, in behalf of Justice, and Truth, and Morals, and Independence. The Doctors in Divinity, and Rectors, and Curates, appealing to the people in the interests of courtiers that have committed themselves, can do nothing for the Constitution, or for religion: they are, on the contrary, helping on the disaffected to a strength and importance from which they seemed hopelessly proscribed. We must look again to our natural political guardians. At some recent county meetings, the people have shown a disposition to do so, and we hail the first symptoms of this return to their old confidence, as indications of a cheering nature, streaking the general gloom of our political horizon.

it up and play another. These insufferable triflers are the curse of a table. One of these flies will spoil a whole pot. Of such it may be said, that they do not play at cards, but only play at playing at them.

Sarah Battle was none of that breed. She detested them, as I do, from her heart and soul; and would not, save upon a striking emergency, willingly seat herself at the same table with them. She loved a thorough-paced partner, a determined enemy. She took, and gave no concessions. She hated favours. She never made a revoke, nor ever passed it over in her adversary without ex

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