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Natura indulget. Steriles moriuntur, et illis
Turgida non prodest condita pyxide Lyde,
Nec prodest agili palmas praebere Luperco.

Vicit et hoc monstrum tunicati fuscina Gracchi,
Lustravitque fuga mediam gladiator arenam
Et Capitolinis generosior et Marcellis
Et Catulis Paullique minoribus et Fabiis et
Omnibus ad podium spectantibus. His licet ipsum

well, he says, that nature grants their wills no power over their bodies.

141. condita pyxide Lyde,] This is an old fat woman (turgida) professing to sell drugs to cure barrenness, 'pyxide condita' being a box full of such.

142. palmas praebere Luperco.] The Luperci were priests of the god Lupercus, whose festival, the Lupercalia, was celebrated every year on the Ides of February, from the earliest times to a late period of the empire. Lupercus was the god of fertility. At his festival the priests, among other ceremonies, ran about the city with thongs in their hands cut from goats sacrificed on the occasion, and with these they struck any one who came in their way, and the effect was supposed to be the gift of fertility. They struck the people on the back or on the palms of the hands. Ovid makes Lupercus the same as Pan. (Fast. ii. 266, sqq.) 'Agili' is explained by the activity of the priests, who put off their clothes that they might run the quicker.

143. Vicit et hoc monstrum] He says that even this monstrous vice is surpassed by the indignity offered to the nobility by their members appearing as gladiators in the arena of the amphitheatre. The 'retiarius,' who was one of the many classes of gladiators, carried a net, which it was his business to throw over the head of his adversary if he could, and a three-pointed spear, fuscina,' which was another name for Neptune's trident. He wore only a tunic, and did not wear armour as the Samnites did.

145. Et Capitolinis generosior] Capitolinus was a cognomen in the Quintia gens and the Manlia. The latter derived it from M. Manlius, who saved the Capitol from the Gauls (A.U.c. 364), according to the common tradition, and T. Quintius Barbatus, who was six times consul, and triumphed for his victories over the Aequi and Volsci A.U.C. 286, was the first of that family who bore it. The dictator Cincinnatus was of the same family, and was

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called Capitolinus. The Marcelli were a plebeian family of the Claudia gens. The first was M. Marcellus, the conqueror of Syracuse A.U.C. 542. See Hor. C. xi. 12. 45: "Crescit occulto velut arbor aevo Fama Marcelli." Catulus was the name of a family belonging to the Lutatia gens, who were plebeians. C. Lutatius Catulus, by his naval victory over Hanno off the coast of Sicily, brought the first Punic war to a close, A.U.c. 513. Q. Lutatius was the colleague of C. Marius, alluded to in viii. 253. He was afterwards included in Marius' proscription, and destroyed himself A.U.C. 677. His son, who was first the colleague of Lepidus in the consulship, and afterwards defeated him at the head of the remains of Marius' party ten years after his father's death, was an honest and able man, a staunch supporter of Cicero's. The Pauli best known in history were of the patrician Aemilia gens. L. Aemilius, who died at Cannae A.U.c. 538 ("animaeque magnae prodigum Paulum," Hor. C. i. 12. 37), and his son Lucius, who had the cognomen Macedonicus for his victory over Perseus, and triumphed for the same A.U.c. 587, were the most illustrious of the family, but their distinction was such that Juvenal speaks of all their descendants being ennobled by them. The Fabia gens, which was patrician, was distinguished in various families from the earliest times of the republic. All the gens was destroyed by the Veientes at the river Cremera, A.U.c. 277, with the exception of one man. See below, v. 153, n. The name they then bore was Vibulanus, which was dropped for Ambustus, and this was lost in Maximus, earned by Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus, the conqueror of the Samnites in the second war. He was great-grandfather to him who, for his tactics in the war with Hannibal, was called Cunctator.

147. Omnibus ad podium spectantibus.] These were all men of station, who had a place to themselves between the ' podium' or wall which ran round the arena, and the

Admoveas cujus tunc munere retia misit.
Esse aliquos manes et subterranea regna
Et contum et Stygio ranas in gurgite nigras,
Atque una transire vadum tot millia cumba
Nec pueri credunt, nisi qui nondum aere lavantur.
Sed tu vera puta, Curius quid sentit et ambo
Scipiadae? quid Fabricius manesque Camilli?

ordinary seats which rose to the top of the
amphitheatre. (See Hor. Epp. i. 1. 6, n.)
Ipsum' means the 'editor ludorum,' the
person who gave the show, and who sat on
a high seat within the podium,' called the
'editoris tribunal.' Here probably is meant
the emperor himself, whose throne was
called suggestus' or 'cubiculum.' If it
was Domitian, the man who was of nobler
birth than all the families just named would
certainly be nobler than he, for his father
Vespasian was the son of a man of obscure
birth in the municipium of Reate in the
Sabine country. This use of 'admovere'
for adjungere' is not noticed by Forcellini.
As to 'retia misit,' see note above, v. 143.

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149. Esse aliquos manes] One MS. has 'aliquid,' on which authority Ruperti adopts it. It is more likely, perhaps, that one copyist should have invented aliquid' than that all the rest should have fallen into an error in aliquos.' The former is the more plausible reading, particularly as Propertius had written "Sunt aliquid Manes, letum non omnia finit" (iv. 7. 1), and Ovid (Met. vi. 543) "Si numina Divum sunt aliquid." Persius (v. 152) has "cinis et Manes et fabula fies," which he has imitated from Horace (C. i. 4. 16), "Jam te premet nox fabulaeque Manes," where see note. Lucretius, the exponent of Epicurean doctrine, says:

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150

of his contemporaries. As to 'manes,' the spirits of the good, see note on Hor. Epp. ii. 1. 138.

150. Et contum] P. has 'pontum,' and the Scholiast has 'pontum' by an oversight, for he quotes Virgil (Aen. vi. 302): "Ipse ratem conto subigit velisque ministrat," where also he writes 'ponto.' It is strange that sensible editors like Grangaeus and Henninius should adopt this word, which has no sense here. One MS. of no character has 'cantum,' which Ruperti rather prefers, but does not adopt.

152. nisi qui nondum aere lavantur.] Except those who are too young to go to the baths, where the ordinary price for bathing was a quadrans, or about half a farthing of our money. See vi. 447, and Hor. S. i. 3. 137: "dum tu quadrante lavatum Rex ibis," where see note, and also Becker's Gallus, Exc. on the Baths. "Unde datur quadrans?" (Martial iii. 30.)

153. Sed tu vera puta,] But in your case only suppose it all to be true.' As to Curius, see above, v. 3. The form Scipiada' is used by Horace (S. l. 17), "Scipiadam ut sapiens Lucilius," and by Virgil (Georg. ii. 170), “ Scipiadas duros bello," and (Aen. vi. 843) "duo fulmina belli Scipiadas, cladem Libyae, parvoque potentem Fabricium," where, as here, the two Scipiones are associated with C. Fabricius Luscinus, the opponent of Pyrrhus and contemporary of Curius. Camillus is M. Furius, the conqueror of the Gauls, and the deliverer of Rome. 'Cremerae legio' are the Fabii mentioned above (on v. 145). The whole gens, consisting of 306 persons, with the consul Kaeso at their head, having quarrelled with the patricians, quitted Rome, and founded a settlement on the Cremera, a stream or torrent a few miles north of Rome flowing into the Tiber. From this point they carried on war with the people of Veii for two years, and were The number of men the Romans lost at finally surprised by them and cut to pieces. Cannac, including their consul Paulus (v. 146) and many of their best officers, is said to have been about eighty thousand.

Quid Cremerae legio et Cannis consumta juventus,
Tot bellorum animae, quoties hinc talis ad illos
Umbra venit? Cuperent lustrari, si qua darentur
Sulfura cum taedis et si foret humida laurus.
Illuc heu miseri traducimur! Arma quidem ultra
Litora Juvernae promovimus et modo captas
Orcadas ac minima contentos nocte Britannos:

Sed quae nunc populi fiunt victoris in Urbe
Non faciunt illi quos vicimus: et tamen unus
Armenius Zalates cunctis narratur ephebis

156. Tot bellorum animae,] This is an unusual sort of expression. It cannot mean 'tot animae bellatorum,' as Ruperti supposes. 'Tot' belongs to 'bellorum,' and the meaning is, 'souls of so many wars,' that is, which have known so many wars. He says they would ask to be purified if such a degenerate spirit came near them, provided there was at hand sulphur and pine branches, and a wet laurel bough. Lustratio' or purifying was performed in a multitude of matters by the Romans when pollution had been or might have been contracted, and consisted usually in sprinkling water by means of a branch of olive or laurel, and carrying round the object burning sulphur or pine torches, besides the sacrifice of a victim. Tibullus (i. 2. 61) says, "Et me lustravit taedis, et nocte serena

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Concidit ad magicos hostia pulla
Deos."

Servius, on Aen. vi. 229,

"Idem ter socios pura circumtulit unda, Spargens rore levi et ramo felicis olivae, Lustravitque viros,"

says 'circumferre' is equivalent to 'purgare: "nam lustratio a circumlatione dicta est vel taedae vel sulphuris." Ovid, describing the lustration of flocks at the Palilia (Fast. iv. 739), says,

"Caerulei fiant vivo de sulfure fumi

Tactaque fumanti sulfure balet ovis." 159. Illuc heu miseri traducimur !] To this point poor wretches are we brought and changed;' that is, to what follows. The expression is like Horace's "Nimirum hic ego sum," Epp. i. 15. 42; "ne fueris hic tu," Ib. i. 6. 40. The Greeks used ireios, Tavla in the same way. Traducere' is used for changing, bringing over from one state to another, as Ovid, Met. xv. 483: "gentemque feroci Assuetam bello pacis traducit ad artes."

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160

160. Litora Juvernae] This is the form of the name given by Ptolemy, who calls one of the tribes 'Iovépvio, and the island 'Iovepvía, a form of the native name. Ierne, Iverna, Hibernia, are others. Agricola had thoughts of taking the island, which he told Tacitus could easily be done with one legion and a few auxiliaries, but there is no evidence that the Roman legions ever entered it; but mercatores probably had been there, and from them Ptolemy may have got some of his knowledge of the island. It was in the year A.D. 82, the year after Domitian's accession, that Agricola turned his attention to Ireland. (Tac. Agr. 24.) The Orkneys and Shetland Islands (Orcades) were first discovered and taken possession of by Agricola when he sailed round Britain in the last year of his government, A.D. 84. (Tac. Agr. c. 10.) The Satire, therefore, could not have been written before that year, or many years after it, for he says 'modo captas.'

161. minima contentos nocte] So Tacitus says (Agr. c. 12), "Dierum › spatia ultra nostri orbis mensuram et nox clara et extrema Britanniae parte brevis, ut finem atque initium lucis exiguo discrimine internoscas."

163. et tamen unus] 'The barbarians we conquer do not the gross things we do, and yet if they come to Rome evil communications soon corrupt them likewise, as was the case with the Armenian hostage.'

164. Armenius Zalates] This is a name not otherwise known. Ruperti supposes he may have been one of those obsides' with whom Caligula is said by Suetonius (c. 36) to have carried on an unnatural intercourse, and that he is meant by Tribuno.' (See xi. 7.) It may be so. Armenia was at this time governed by its own kings of the race of the Arsacidae, but the Romans had frequently to interfere in its affairs, and its kings were under their protection. On two occasions Tacitus mentions hostages being given to the Romans by Vologeses, king of

Mollior ardenti sese indulsisse Tribuno.

Aspice quid faciant commercia: venerat obses.
Hic fiunt homines: nam si mora longior Urbem
Indulsit pueris, non unquam deerit amator:
Mittentur braccae, cultelli, frena, flagellum.
Sic praetextatos referunt Artaxata mores.

the Parthians, who claimed the crown of
Armenia to the expulsion of Rhadamistus,
the king whom they recognized. Cn. Cor-
bulo was sent against him by Nero (A.D. 54),
and he retired, and sent some of the noblest
of his family as hostages to Rome (Ann.
xiii. 9). These were not Armenians, but
Parthians; but the difference might not be
observed by Juvenal, or hostages may have
been sent by others. Every new reign be-
gan in violence of some sort.
This man,
more soft than any of the Roman youth, is
said to have given himself up to the passion
of the tribunus. This is a regular con-
struction with indulgere;' it is repeated
immediately below. Ephebus' is a term
borrowed from the Greeks, with whom it
signified a youth of eighteen to twenty.
The Romans applied it to those who had
attained the age of puberty: adolescentes'
is the proper Roman word, though that
extends over a longer space of time.

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167. Hic fiunt homines] It is here that men are fashioned.' Some take the passage as if these words were opposed to ' venerat obses,' 'he had come a hostage, but here they become men.' For this

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meaning 'viri' would be used. The stop should be at obses' (for which one MS. only has 'hospes ').

169. Mittentur braccae,] They will soon throw aside their trowsers, their hunting-knives, their reins, their whips, that is, all the manly sports of their boyhood, and carry home immodest manners learnt at Rome.' 'Artaxata,' which is plural, was the capital of Armenia, situated on the Araxes. Praetextatus' is applied, by later writers, to language, in the sense of 'impure.' (See Forcellini.) It is no where else used in that sense with 'mores,' or anything but language. The origin of this meaning is plainly contained in the word itself, which is only another form of 'praetexere,' and means to put a veil or covering over anything. Braccae' (breeches) were worn by all the barbarians, that is, all but the Greeks and Romans, who in their better days despised them. They were looser than we wear them now, but not so loose among the European nations as in the East. During the empire they were partially worn by the Romans.

SATIRA III.

INTRODUCTION.

This satire is perhaps better known than any of the others. English readers are familiar with Johnson's imitation of it who are not so familiar with the original, which has the advantage of having been written for the scene it describes, while the other is too close a copy to be always applicable to its subject. I think the merits of Johnson's poem have been exaggerated.

Meaning to describe the vexations and inconveniencies of a town life, Juvenal supposes his friend Umbricius leaving Rome in disgust to retire to Cumae; he accompanies him a little way out of the town; and while the carriage is being packed Umbricius breaks out and tells his reasons for leaving his native place. No honest man can thrive there, he says; the town is overrun with cunning foreigners and upstarts who have tricked themselves into riches and influence, making themselves necessary to families and getting their masters' secrets. The poor too have no chance, and poverty apes wealth; every thing has to be bought, and every thing is dear. There are fires and falling houses, and even these are only ruinous to the poor: the rich help one another, while the poor man starves.

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The noises at night are such that no one can sleep, at least no poor man in the lodginghouses. The rich man rides safely through the streets, while the poor is elbowed by the crowd, and has a good chance of being killed by great beams and stones, or by pots from the upper stories, and so forth, or by some drunken brawler who picks a quarrel with him, or by robbers who break into his house at night.

There are some parts of the satire which remind the reader of Horace's style; particularly the quaint description of a poor man's encounter with a drunken bully, who, after beating his victim savagely, summons him for an assault.

Umbricius is anybody. There was an ‘haruspex' of that name, of whom Tacitus relates that he warned Galba of his fate. But there is no sense in supposing him to be the man. It was a common name. The satire may have been written about the same time as the last; but it is impossible to say.

ARGUMENT.

V. 1. Though I am in despair at the loss of an old friend, I cannot but commend Umbricius' resolution to quit the town and go away to the pleasant shores of Cumae. There is no wilderness I would not myself prefer to the dangers and annoyances of this city.

V. 10. While his family and goods were all being packed into one cart, we stopped in the valley of Aegeria, whose wood is let to beggarly Jews, and her native fountain disfigured by art. And thus my friend began:

V. 21. "No room is here for virtue, no return for honest labour; and as I am getting poorer every day, I mean to take myself to Cumae while I have any vigour left. I bid my native place farewell; let rogues live there, and by their dirty trades get rich; till trumpeters shall rise to give the shows they once proclaimed, and get monopolies of every thing, raised high by fortune in her merry moods. What can I do at Rome? not lie, or praise poor books, or tell the stars, or search the insides of frogs. I am no pimp or thief. So all avoid me as a useless limb. None but accomplices are patronized, with horrid secrets burning in their bosoms. The thief loves him who can accuse him when he pleases. No gold will pay you for the wretched nights it costs you to be feared of your great friend.

V. 58. "The town is overrun with Greeks; and worse, Syria has poured her refuse into Rome-her language, customs, harps, and drums, and harlots. Away all ye who love the turbaned strumpets! Thy hardy sons, Quirinus, put on Greek shoes, and grease their necks for the 'palaestra.' From every town they swarm and creep into rich houses-clever, abandoned, impudent, prompt, fluent. What should you say that man was? Any thing you please, all arts and sciences he knows; the starveling Greek will put on wings if you bid him-for Daedalus was a Greek, and born at Athens. V. 81. "What, must I not avoid their purple? shall that man rank before me who came to us with the plums and figs? Have I not breathed from infancy the air of Rome, and is that nothing? These flatterers by trade know how to gain belief when they praise a blockhead's talents, and a plain man's face, long neck, and squeaking voice. If I should praise them, no one would besieve me. Their acting is quite perfect; their whole tribe are players. You laugh, they laugh still louder; you weep, they weep but grieve not; call for a fire, they'll get their cloak; say you its hot, they sweat. So we're no match; they have the best of it who never cease from acting. No woman in the house is safe from them, resolved to worm their master's secrets out and get him in their power.

V. 114. "Speaking of Greeks, let's pass to the Gymnasia and to a crime of deeper dye. Think of that Stoic who killed Barca, betrayed his friend and pupil, the old wretch born at Tarsus. There is no room for Romans here, where slaves of Greece are kings, who keep their great friends to themselves and thrust me from their doors by poisonous

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