delivered by Mr. Carroll to the Secretary of State, who immediately submitted it to the President. The general principle of the treaty is a restitution and recognition of the rights and possessions of each party as they stood before the war, with adequate provisions to settle all the disputed points of boundary by commissioners, subject to the decision of an amicable Sovereign, in case the commissioners do not agree in opinion. The title to the islands in the Bay of Passamaquoddy being controverted, the possession will remain with the parties respectively which now hold them, until the commissioners decide upon the title, but without prejudice to the claim of either party. Periods are fixed for the restitution of maritime captures in different latitudes, and hostilities are to cease as soon as the ratifications of the treaty are exchanged at Washington. It is understood that Mr. Baker is the bearer of the treaty ratified by the Prince Regent, and will be ready to exchange the ratifications when the President and the Senate have passed upon the subject. We are happy to add that the treaty is thought, in all respects, to be honorable to the nation and to the negotiators. The President will probably lay it before the Senate this day.'

"The treaty was laid before the Senate on that day, that is, on the 15th. On the 16th, the consent and advice of the Senate was given, by a unanimous vote, to its ratification. At 8 o'clock at night, on the 17th, Mr. Baker the British commissioner for the purpose, having reached Washington, the ratifications of the treaty by Great Britain and the United States were exchanged, and the treaty was finally proclaimed and published on the 18th day of February.

"And so most happily ended a war, the pressure of which was but just beginning to be felt by this government and people."

Peace was welcomed with more than popular, for it was filial, gratification. While exulting in triumphs by war, peace, to a large majority of the American people, was endeared by kindred attachment to the people with whom they deemed it their misfortune to be involved in war. Two extremely bitter conflicts have not extinguished the reverential feeling of this country for that of their forefathers, to which it clings by innumerable ties, and far prefers beyond all others. Joy for peace with it broke forth with universal manifestations. Every city and considerable town, most villages, and many single houses, were illuminated. As I journeyed homewards, on the 28th of February, 1815, the whole country was alive with rejoicings, in which Boston soon took part. On the first day of March, 1815, the Governor, Judges, Legislature, and a numerous company, dined together at the Boston Exchange,

with the American and the British officers in that vicinity as guests. A procession paraded a team loaded with cotton, with "New Orleans," and "Jackson," in large letters on the bags. A newspaper sarcasm declared that more cannon were fired, and more persons wounded, in Massachusetts rejoicing for peace, than throughout the whole war. Those who risked life or property in their country's cause not only rejoiced for peace more cheerfully than those who did not, but with more respect from former enemies. Rejoicing was universal and enthusiastic; by the disaffected, for peace; by the patriotic, for victory too. "It is inconceivable," said the Montreal Herald, "to see to what a pitch illuminations and rejoicings are carried on throughout the United States-a positive proof that the mass of the people are satisfied with the conditions of the late treaty of peace, and that they would have been content if the terms were much harder. What a contrast is exhibited in this country! You scarcely see a cheerful countenance from one end of the province to the other, when you speak of the peace." That extremely hostile journal had just before said, "This war will not be of short duration; and, could one but suppose the rumored peace to be correct, we may pronounce it to be disgraceful to Britain. What Britain has yet done is insufficient to insure an honorable and lasting peace. Before that can be effected, torrents of blood must yet flow, both on sea and land." Such unnatural animosity is not American, and it is to be hoped is not commonly British. Yet that war with this country was then, and even still is, the distempered dream of some eminent Britons, is from time to time manifested, as by the subjoined, lately published by one of their most distinguished officers, Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Napier :

"What an opportunity was lost (in 1815) of then dealing with America! An able minister would have continued the war; the Northern States would have withdrawn from the Union, and, declaring themselves independent, have made a separate peace with Great Britain. The latter might then have raised the negroes of the South, and, at the head of an immense force of armed and disciplined black regiments, have dictated peace at Washington; erecting the Delaware into an independent black State, in alliance with England, and supported by the Northern States, of which it would form the left flank against the Southern. * *

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This line of policy may be adopted yet, if we have a war with the United States. It may be effected at any time while slavery exists; a nation that is not governed by fools, may do what it likes against another nation in which it has two millions of true friends. * * * It is true, they

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may be blacks, but blacks make capital soldiers. From my knowledge of both, I will venture to say, that the docile, intelligent, eager, liberated slave would be drilled in less time by half than the free-born American citizens, the republican slave-drivers, that are so proud of being without a standing army.

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But let war come,

and we shall see what the dingy race can do against the slave-drivers in the Southern States. America fears war; does England fear war? Let it come, and we shall see which constitution is the best."

The treaty of Ghent was the arrangement of a few negotiators, who settled cessation from hostilities on terms not dishonorable to either party. The peace it consecrated was the work of nations who had felt each other's prowess in war. Treaty and peace together have proved lasting benefits to both belligerents. This country gained, by the treaty, a settlement of boundaries, which had been unsettled since its independence; exclusion of British vexatious trade with our Indians; and, it may be added, exclusion of British trade from the river Mississippi. Peace, the result of war, put an end to British impressment from American vessels; abrogated constructive, and all but actual blockade; and reduced to inoffensive police, if not extinguishing dubious right of search, or visit at sea. These inestimable gains, worth much more than the blood and treasure they cost, are, by achievement, guarantied more effectually than by any treaty founded on concession, and liable to misunderstanding. When other British pacification. suspended naval coercion, the United States tacitly waived further resistance to it, and Great Britain yielded nothing. But war had formidably proved that the United States will not submit to impressment of men, search of vessels, or constructive blockade. To enforce either, inevitably producing war, Great Britain must prefer profitable commercial relations with the United States, as developed by several treaties since that of Ghent, and by the amity of kindred nations. To that war, peace, and treaty, have followed lasting intimacy and constantly-increasing intercourse, with great improbability of further hostilities.

CHAPTER VI.

INVASION OF LOUISIANA.

Nicholls at Pensacola - English at Barataria-Lafitte-Fort Bowyer Jackson-Spanish Complicity-Seizure of Pensacola-New OrleansTennessee and Kentucky Volunteers - Legislature of Louisiana - Governor Claiborne-Population - British Squadrons-Gun-boats on the Lake overpowered-Jackson declares Martial Law-Inactivity of the Legislature - British land- Surprised on the 23d of December —Vanguard worsted-Jackson's entrenchments - Pakenham-British repulse on the 28th of December-Division, if not Disaffection, in the Legislature Their Session closed forcibly-British repulsed on the first of January-Continually harassed-British Narratives of their DisastersBritish Forces-Lambert's Reinforcement-Battle of the 8th of JanuaryThornton's Success - Pakenham's Defeat and Death-British Evacuation - Capture of Fort Bowyer-Repulse at Fort St. Philip-American Thanksgiving on Jackson's return to New Orleans-Tidings of PeaceTheir disorganizing Effects-French Insubordination-Louallier arrested -Judge Hall issues a writ for his Release - The Judge imprisoned by Martial Law-Law of Contempt-Jackson punished by Fine-Refunded by Congress - His Death.

WHY the British so formidably invaded Louisiana is not easy to explain. Mr. Gallatin's letter of the 13th of June, 1814, from London, which apprised our government that a disposable force of 20,000 men would be thrown on the Atlantic States, did not mention New Orleans, but New York and Washington as the places in danger; and such was the Executive apprehension. When the invasion was undertaken, we do not know what was its object. Whether to hold, as well as take New Orleans; whether to restore Louisiana or part of it to Spain; whether to deprive this country of the cotton, destined so soon to supersede iron, as the most vital of staples; whether to reinstate the pristine colonial union between Florida, Louisiana, and Canada; or whether a large army, with a large fleet, were sent over the Atlantic in mere wantonness of overweening power, to inflict ruthless injuries on a republican

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BRITISH SAVAGE ALLIES.

and naval rival empire, must be left to conjecture. Castlereagh, then at the helm, was a daring adventurer; Great Britain a mighty and vindictive nation, flushed with prodigious triumphs, fond of war, embarrassed with supernumerary military and naval forces, which it harmonized more with ministerial and national prepossessions to employ in degrading this country than to disarm at home. The capture of Washington was a mere warlike accident, when Cockburn prevailed on Ross to make the attempt. The Scots historian, Mr. Alison, though absurdly ignorant and despicably invidious of this country, may nevertheless be right when, apologizing for the enemy's retirement after their repulse at Baltimore, he alleges that it was to preserve their troops for the capture of New Orleans.

The studied silence of the British government as to their reverses, of which often no official accounts were published, increases the obscurity involving the invasion of Louisiana. My researches have failed to find any official, authentic, or other British account of the first steps taken by the enemy in that attempt, whatever its object was. But in the course of the summer of 1814, pending the incursion to Washington, if not preceding it, measures were adopted for the most atrocious of all the belligerent efforts of Great Britain to convulse, devastate, and dismember the United States. The Indians they had throughout the contest excited to their most horrible outrages. In April, 1814, Admiral Cochrane made, by proclamation, a direct appeal to the negro slaves, by their revolt to aggravate Indian barbarities. In the summer of 1814, the British brig Orpheus debarked 22,000 stand of arms, with munitions of war and officers, in the Bay of Apalachicola, Florida, for the purpose of arming the Creek Indians, seduced from the peace they had just made with the United States, and enlisting them to renew hostilities; who were embodied, armed, and, in British uniform, drilled in Pensacola by Captain Woodbine, of the marines. All the Indian tribes east of the Choctaws were rallied to the British standard by British officers, diligent in that vile subornation. Having secured the savages as allies, and invoked the slaves, it only remained that the