the principles of the old Confederation, in which that State, by her numerous representation, and the influence she has on surrounding States, will be the dictatrix. Because he is known to be servilely devoted to one foreign nation under any form of Government, and pursuing any system of measures, however hostile to this country, and unrelentingly hostile to another nation, and those the two nations on earth with which we have the most interesting relations, and with which it is most important to preserve an equal and impartial regard. Ought we then to respect the preference which is given to this man from such motives and by such friends?

"As to the other candidate, there is no disagreement as to his character. He is ambitious-selfish-profligate. His ambition is of the worst kind; it is a mere love of power, regardless of fame, but as its instrument; his selfishness excludes all social affections, and his profligacy unrestrained by any moral sentiment, and defying all decency. This is agreed, but then it is known, that his manners are plausible, that he is dexterous in the acquisition and use of the means necessary to effect his wishes. Nothing can be a stronger evidence of this than the situation in which he stands at this moment-without any pretension from connections, fame, or services-elevated by his own independent means to the highest point to which all those can carry the most meritorious man in the nation.

man.

"He holds to no pernicious theories, but is a mere matter-of-fact His very selfishness prevents his entertaining any mischievous predilection for foreign nations. The situation in which he lives has enabled him to discern and justly appreciate the benefits resulting from our commercial and other national systems; and this same selfishness will afford some security, that he will not only patronize their support, but their invigoration. There are other considerations. It is very evident that the Jacobins dislike Mr. Burr as President-that they dread his appointment more than even that of General Pinckney. On his part, he hates them for the preference they give to his rival. He has expressed his displeasure at the publication of his letter by General Smith. This jealousy, distrust and dislike, will every day more and more increase, and more and more widen the breach between them. If, then, Burr should be elected by the Federalists against the hearty opposition of the Jacobins, the wounds mutually given and received will probably be incurable. Each will have committed the unpardonable sin, Burr must depend on good men for his support, and that support he cannot receive but by a conformity to their views.

"In these circumstances, then, to what evils shall we expose ourselves by the choice of Burr, which we would escape by the election of Jefferson? It is said, that it would be more disgraceful to our country and to the principles of our government. For myself, I declare, I think it impossible to preserve the honor of our country or the principles of our Constitution.

"By a mode of election, which was intended to secure to pre-eminent talent and virtues the first honors of our country, and for ever to disgrace the barbarous institutions by which executive power is to be transmitted through the organs of generation, we have at one election placed at the head of our government a semi-maniac, and who in his soberest senses, is the greatest marplot in nature; and at the next a feeble and false, enthusiastic theorist, and a profligate without character and without property, bankrupt in both.

"But, if there remain any thing for us, in this respect, to regard, it is with the minority in the Presidential election; and can they be more disgraced than by assenting to the election of Jefferson ?—the man who has proclaimed them to the world as debased in principle and as detestable and traitorous in conduct? Burr is indeed unworthy, but the evidence of his unworthiness is neither so extensively known, nor so conclusive as that of the other man. It must be confessed that there is a part of the character of Burr more dangerous than that of Jefferson. Give to the former a probable chance, and he would become an usurper. The latter might not incline, he certainly would not dare to make the attempt. I do not believe that either would succeed, and I am even confident that such a project would be rejected by Burr, as visionary. At first, I confess, I was strongly disposed to give Jefferson the preference; but the more I have reflected, the more I have been inclined to the other; yet, however, I remain unpledged, even to my friends, though, I believe, I shall not separate from them."

After

Hamilton now received a reply from Bayard. mentioning a letter from Burr to Colonel Smith, constituting him his proxy, to disavow any design to interfere with the election of Jefferson, as being

"understood to have proceeded either from a false calculation as to the result of the electoral votes, or intended as a cover to blind his own party." Bayard stated, that it was distinctly understood by persons

friendly to Burr, that he is willing to consider the Federalists as his friends, and to accept the office of President as their gift; and that he took it for granted, that Burr would not only gladly accept the office, but would neglect no mean in his power to secure it. There appeared to be, he observed, "a strong inclination in a majority of the Federal party to support Burr. The current has already acquired considerable force, and is manifestly increasing."

"His vote," he said, "could decide the question in favor of Jefferson, but he was then by no means decided as to the object of preference; and if the Federalists should take up Burr, he ought to be impressed with the most undoubting conviction before he separated from them; that he would fear as much from the sincerity of Jefferson, if he was sincere, as from the want of probity in Burr. Another view gave him some inclination in favor of Burr. He considered the State ambition of Virginia as the source of present party, and that the faction which governed that State aimed to govern the United States,-that Virginia would be never satisfied but when that state of things existed, and that the election of Burr would produce a schism which would soon rise into open opposition. Still he could not deny there were strong considerations which gave a preference to Jefferson. The subject admitted of many and very doubtful views; and he resolved to wait the approach of the crisis which might probably bring with it circumstances decisive of the event. It would, he continued, be a painful struggle, to disappoint the views of many with whom he had been accustomed to act, but the magnitude of the subject forbade the sacrifice of a strong conviction."

Feeling that his influence with Bayard, should it prevail, would decide the question of the Presidency, Hamilton answered at great length. Hitherto in his correspondence, he had only drawn a bold outline of Burr, now he delineates, with graphic accuracy, the opposing candidates.

"I was glad to find, my dear sir, by your letter, that you had not yet determined to go with the current of the Federal party, in the support of Mr. Burr, and that you were resolved to hold yourself disengaged, till the moment of final decision. Your resolution to separate yourself, in this instance from the Federal party, if your conviction shall

be strong of the unfitness of Mr. Burr, is certainly laudable. So much does it coincide with my ideas, that if the party shall, by supporting Mr. Burr as President, adopt him for their official chief, I shall be obliged to consider myself as an isolated man. It will be impossible for me to reconcile with my notions of honor or policy, the continuing to be of a party, which, according to my apprehension, will have degraded itself and the country. I am sure, nevertheless, that the motives of many will be good; and I shall never cease to esteem the individuals, though I shall deplore a step, which, I fear, experience will show to be a very fatal one. Among the letters which I receive, assigning the reasons pro and con for preferring Burr to Jefferson, I observe no small exaggeration to the prejudice of the latter, and some things taken for granted, as to the former, which are at least questionable. Perhaps, myself the first, at some expense of popularity, to unfold the true character of Jefferson, it is too late for me to become his apologist. Nor can I have any disposition to do it. I admit, that his politics are tinctured with fanaticism, that he is too much in earnest in his democracy, that he has been a mischievous enemy to the principal measures of our past administration; that he is crafty and persevering in his objects, that he is not scrupulous about the means of success, nor very mindful of truth, and that he is a contemptible hypocrite. But, it is not true, as is alleged, that he is an enemy to the power of the Executive, or that he is for confounding all the powers in the House of Representatives. It is a fact, which I have frequently mentioned, that while we were in the administration together, he was generally for a large construction of the Executive authority, and not backward to act upon it in cases which coincided with his views.

"Let it be added, that, in his theoretic ideas he has considered as improper the participations of the Senate in the Executive authority. I have more than once made the reflection, that viewing himself as the reversioner, he was solicitous to come into possession of a good estate. Nor is it true, that Jefferson is zealot enough to do any thing in pursuance of his principles, which will contravene his popularity, or his interest. He is as likely as any man I know, to temporize, to calculate what will be likely to promote his own reputation and advantage; and the probable result of such a temper is the preservation of systems, though originally opposed, which, being once established, could not be overturned without danger to the person who did it. To my mind, a true estimate of Mr. Jefferson's character warrants the

That

expectation of a temporizing rather than a violent system. Jefferson has manifested a culpable predilection for France, is certainly true; but I think it a question, whether it did not proceed quite as much from her popularity among us, as from sentiment; and, in proportion as that popularity is diminished, his zeal will cool. Add to this, that there is no fair reason to suppose him capable of being corrupted, which is a security that he will not go beyond certain limits. It is not at all improbable, that under the change of circumstances, Jefferson's Gallicism has considerably abated.

"As to BURR, these things are admitted, and, indeed, cannot be denied, that he is a man of extreme and irregular ambition; that he is selfish to a degree which excludes all social affections; and that he is decidedly profligate. But, it is said, 1st, that he is artful and dexterous to accomplish his ends; 2d, that he holds no pernicious theories, but is a mere matter-of-fact man; 3d, that his very selfishness * is a guard against mischievous foreign predilections; 4th, that his local situation has enabled him to appreciate the utility of our commercial and fiscal systems, and the same quality of selfishness will lead him to support and invigorate them; 5th, that he is now disliked by the Jacobins; that his elevation will be a mortal stab to them, breed an invincible hatred to him, and compel him to lean on the Federalists; 6th, that BURR'S ambition will be checked by his good sense, by the manifest impossibility of succeeding in any scheme of usurpation; and that, if attempted, there is nothing to fear from the attempt. These topics are, in my judgment, more plausible than solid. As to the first point, the fact must be admitted; but those qualities are objections, rather than recommendations, when they are under the direction of bad principles. As to the 2d point, too much is taken for granted. If BURR's conversation is to be credited, he is not very far from being a visionary. He has quoted to me Connecticut as an example of the success of the democratic theory, and as authority, (his) serious doubts whether it was not a good one. It is ascertained, in some instances, that he has talked perfect Godwinism. I have myself heard him speak with applause of the French system, as unshackling the mind, and leaving it to its natural energies, and I have been present when he has contended against Banking systems with

"It is always very dangerous to look to the vices of men for good." "Yet he has lately by a trick, established a Bank, a perfect monster in its principles; but a very convenient instrument of profit and influence.