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withstanding these considerations, the Governor in Council, anxious to remove eve ry cause of misunderstanding relative to a measure of so important a nature, published an, order, dated the 31st January, explaining to the army the grounds on which it was adopted. The Governor in Council had a right to expect, on the most obvious grounds of discipline and respect for the laws, that the question would have been permitted to rest here, and receive its final award from the only powers competent to decide on it; and it was with feelings of equal surprise and concern he learned that a memorial to the supreme Government, of the most inteniperate description, was circulated in the Company's army.

The Governor in Council, desirous to avoid a recurrence to measures of severity, and persuaded that it was sufficient to apprise the Company's officers of the improper nature of their proceedings, to induce them to desist from their prosecution, authorised the Commander in Chief to issue a circular letter dated the 5th March 1809, explaining to those officers the impropriety of their conduct, and cailing upon them, by the most powerful motives of duty, alle giance, and honour, to abstain from such unjustifiable measures. A letter from the Right Hon. the Governor in Council, dated the 20th February 1809, approving of the steps adopted by the Governor of Fort St George, with respect to the late Commander in Chief, was also circulated to the army, in the expectation that the sentiments of the Supreme Government would have repressed the spirit of faction and insubordination which prevailed. These letters appear to have produced no effect; the memorial to the Supreme Government made further progress; and an address to Major Boles, an officer under sentence of suspension, written in language of deter mined sedition, was circulated in the army, and forced upon the notice of the Governor in Council, by a Company's officer, holding a confidential situation of his Staff -the Governor in Council was still induced to pursue a system of forbearance, by the sentiments of affection and respect which he was disposed to entertain towards the Company's officers; and by a convic tion that the principles of zeal, discipline, and national attachment, by which he sup posed they were actuated, would lead them to relinquish the reprehensible measures in which they were engaged, on being made fully acquainted with their impropriety and danger. The Commander in Chief, accordingly, under the sanction of the Government, issued a second circular letter, dated 10th April 1809, again calling upon the officers of the Company's army to ad

here to their duty, correcting the erroneous opinions which they had received regard ing the powers of Government, and descri. bing the unjustifiable nature and dangerous consequences of their proceedings. The Governor in Council learned, with deep regret, that these measures of moderation, these repeated and urgent appeals to the discipline, duty, national attachment, and professional honour of the Company's officers, were entirely nugatory; that the memorials continued to be circulated, and that sentiments of sedition were openly decla red in many parts of the army; the further forbearance of the Government would have encouraged the progress of those evils; a course of explanation and exhortation had been pursued in vain, and it became imperiously necessary to check, by a salutary example of punishment, a spirit of insubordination that threatened the most dange rous consequences to the prosperity of the empire. The general orders of the 1st of May last were accordingly passed. The Governor in Council is concerned to state, that this example, which was confined to the persons who were principally instrumental in promoting sedition, and of whose delinquency the most ample proofs existed, and which was intended to obviate the necessity of more extensive punishments, failed to produce the beneficial effects anticipated from its adoption, and that principles of insubordination and sedition continued to prevail among the Company's officers, if possible with aggravated violence; the Company's officers of the Hyderabad subsidiary force, whose good conduct in refusing to affix their signatures to the seditious addresses, had received the approbation of the Government, intimated to the rest of the army, in an address dated in May last, scarcely less reprehensible than the papers that had incurred the animadversion of the Government, their participa tion in the disaffection which prevailed so extensively in the Company's army.

The officers at Hyderabad followed up this act, by threatening, in an address, dated 15th June, transmitted direct to the Governor in Council, to separate them. selves from the authority of the Government, established over them by their country, unless a submission should be yielded to their menaces, by abrogating the general orders of the 1st of May, and the Company's officers at Mazulipatam imprisoned their Commanding Officer, and made preparations to desert the post intrusted to their charge, and to join the Hyderabad subsidi ry force, thereby involving, on account of views personal to themselves, the men under their command in the guilt of rebellion, and furnishing to the native

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troops a dangerous example of resistance to authority. The Governor in Council, still anxious to impress on the minds of the Company's officers a sense of the impropriety of their conduct, published to the array the dispatch from the Supreme Go-rity of the Government and the interests vernment, dated the 21st of May last, which contained an entire approval of the measures of the Government of Fort St George, and stated the most foreible and conclusive arguments against the system of faction and illegal combination which had been introduced into the coast army. This solemn decision of the Supreme Authority in India, has also proved to be ineffectual; the officers at Hyderabad, although they knew the sentiments of the Supreme Government, refused, in a body, in a letter to their Commanding Officer, dated the 8th of July, obedience to the orders of Government, for the march of a battalion from Hyderabad, adding, as a threat, that its services might soon be useful to their cause; and have since forwarded to the Government, in a paper, dated the 21st of July, the conditions on which they were willing to return to their duty, and which they require the Government to accept, in order to avert the impending awful evils; evils that can result only from their own criminal determination to place themselves in the situation of enemies to their country. The conditions on which those officers presume to state that they will yield obedience to the national authorities, afford further proofs of the nature of their designs, for they demand the public revocation of the general orders of the 1st May; the restoration to their rank and appointments of all officers removed by this Government, however obnoxious and criminal the conduct of those officers may have been; the dismission from office of the officers of the general Staff, who may be supposed to have advised the Government to the trial, by a general court-martial, of the officer commanding at Mazulipatam, who was arrested by his own disobedient officers; and, finally an amnesty for the conduct of the Company's army. The garrison of Mazulipazam have placed themselves in a state of rebellion; the troops of Seringapatam and Hyderabad have followed their example; and it has been ascertained that the military authority, intrusted to commanding officers, has been usurped by self constituted committees; and that an organised system of combination, for the purposes of subverting the authority of the Government, has been established throughout the greatest part of the army of this establishment. The Governor in Council perceives in the foregoing course of proceedings on the part of European Officers of the Company's

army, which has equally resisted the measures of forbearance and punishment, a determined spirit of revolt, that must, unless speedily repressed, produce the most fatal consequences to the constitution and autho

of the nation. No means compatible with the honour and authority of the Government have been omitted to recal the Company's Officers to a sense of their duty as soldiers, and of their allegiance as British subjects. The forbearance displayed by the Government, under circumstances of aggravated indignity, demonstrate the satisfaction with which it would have regarded any disposition on the part of the Company's Officers to manifest the usual obedience required from all soldiers. No disposition, however, of that nature has appeared; on the contrary, those Officers, by a systematic course of aggression and insubordination, have forced the Government to adopt measures of the most decided nature for the support of its authority.

The Governor in Council would be guilty of a most criminal desertion of his duty and the cause of his country, if he were capable of confirming the evils of sedition and mutiny by a submission to the menaces of a body of men placed by the law under his government. Such a course of proceeding would prostrate the authority of the State before a disaffected and seditious faction; it would effectually incapacitate this and every succeeding government from executing the functions of administration, and would be fatal to the prosperity of the Empire in India, by affording an example of successful opposition to authority, and by weakening the power and dignity of the Government, which, in this country, are peculiarly essential to its existence. Influenced by these considera tions, the Governor in Council has considered it to be his sacred duty to resist every appearance of concession to the threats of insubordination and faction, and to employ the power and means at the disposal of the Government for the restoration of its discipline, and the maintenance of its honour and authority

In this state of affairs, it is a source of the most gratifying reflection, that zeal, loyalty, and discipline of his Majesty's troops, and of many of the most respectable Officers of the Company's army, combined with the fidelity generally manifested by the native troops, will enable the Government to accomplish the important - object of re-establishing public order. The good conduct of his Majesty's troops during the dissensions that have occurred, their zea. lous adherence to duty, the preference which they have manifested to the princi

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ples of honour, virtue, and patriotism, over the personal views and disorderly passions which prevailed around them, reflect the greatest credit on their character, and demonstrate that they are animated by the same ardent love of their country which has distinguised their brother soldiers in Europe. His Majesty's troops under this Government will possess the gratifying reflection, of having deserved the approbation and gratitude of their country, and of having eminently contributed to the preservation of an important branch of the empire.

The Governor in Council entertains a hope, that the Company's Officers, who have threatened the Government of their country with the most serious evils, who have demanded, as the condition of being faithful to their duty, the execution of measures degrading to the character, and fatal to the interests of the State, will pause be fore they attempt to proceed further in the course of sedition and guilt which they have pursued. It has been the earnest wish and anxious desire of the Governor in Council to avoid measures of extremity, to re-establish order by the course of the law, and to give up to military trial the authors of the present seditious proceedings. In prosecution of measures so consonant to justice, so necessary for the restoration of discipline, and so conformable to the ordinary course of Military Government, the Governor in Council is persuaded that he shall have the concurrence of all persons in the civil and military services, who have not banished from their minds every sentiment of national feeling; and he exhorts the Of. ficers of the Company's service, by submitting to that course of measures, to avert the evils which they are precipitating upon themselves. Such a result, gratifying at any period, would, at the present moment of national difficulty, be peculiarly acceptable to the views and feelings of the Governor in Council; and adverting to the zeal and patriotism by which the Officers of the Company's army have been distinguished, he still encourages a hope, that by manifesting obedience to the Government, they will obviate the adoption of measures of extremity, arrest the certain consequences of their past conduct, and promote the restoration of general confidence, order, and discipline.

By order of the Hon. the Governor in Council. A. FALCONAR.

FRANCE.

Paris, January 17, A report by the Minister of Finance to the Emperor, after a summary of the re ceipts and disbursements for the years 1806 7-8, contains the following passages:

"A sufficient time has not yet been afforded, to enable me to submit to your Majesty a precise statement of the receipts and disbursements of 1809. It is however probable, that the war expenditure for the last year cannot be under 640 millions, of which sum, only 350 millions are chargeable upon the public treasury.

"The amount of this expenditure will excite no surprise, when it is considered that, besides an immense Staff, your Ma. jesty has, during 1809, maintained an establishment of 900,000 infantry, 100,000 horses for the cavalry service, and 50,000 for the waggon and artillery train.

"If the year 1809 must thus have been of necessity expensive, there is every reason to conclude that the year 1810 will admit of great retrenchments. In fact, your Majesty levied 200,000 men in 1809, and it does not appear to be your intention to make any levies in 1810.

"Sixty thousand horses were bought and equipped in 1809. It does not seem to be in your contemplation to purchase any in 1810.

"Your Majesty also expects to be able to make a reduction of 200,000 in your military establishment, and to limit it to 700,000 men; one half of this force being intended to carry on the operations in Spain, and the other to be employed in the defence of the coasts, and in maritime expeditions.

"Upwards of 800,000 new muskets are deposited in our arsenals, exclusive of the foreign muskets which the fortune of war has thrown into our hands; and your Majesty has upwards of 40,000 pieces of cannon, with all their necessary equipments."

A long and laboured speech of the Chairman of the Committee of Finance of the Legislative Body, in support of the new projet of the revenue regulations, contains the following passages:

"A political measure, which drove back to our enemy's ports every thing that their commerce and industry tried to export to the continent, occasioned a considerable diminution in the revenue accruing from the customs during the year 1808. The expenditure for that year was also augmented by the army stationed within the French territory, and by the preparations made for

a new war.

"The proceeds of the customs were estimated, in the budget for 1809, at 12,000,000, that is to say, at less than two thirds of the sum to which they were reduced in 1808. This reduction cannot occasion any embarrassing deficit in our reve. nue system; whilst it implies an annual diminution of more than four hundred and sixty millions of franes in the exportations

of

of England; so that the measure which diminishes the proceeds of our customs must prove fatal only to that power which has rendered its adoption necessary.

"Our contributions remain stationary, whilst England, already sinking under the enormous weight of her public debt, is every year adding to it by fresh loans,

"That debt is at present 20,769,000,000 f. and the annual interest 736,000,000, which must be defrayed by permanent taxes.

"In France, the first item of the budget is 111,000,000, as the interest of the public debt of the richest empire in the universe.

"During these three years (1807-8-9,) if we compare the budgets of the respective countries, the expenditure of England will be found to have surpassed that of France by the sum of 1,804,421,000 f. It should be observed, that, under the head of expences, the budget of England includes only these incurred for the army and navy, with the subsidies granted to foreign powers. "To institute a just comparison between the budgets of the two powers, we should subtract from that of France all that is not comprised in that of England. But one may, without much calculation, perceive the inequality of the struggle between the two countries, and it is easy to foresee the issue. In the one, the science of finance consists only in throwing into the shade an immense debt, and in finding ways and means to augment the load of taxes born by 15,000,000 of inhabitants. Her Government boasts of having perfected the ruinous system of loans. Her treasury conceals the amount of the revenues and their ap plication; but her bank cannot any longer conceal its embarrassment, not having for a length of time paid in specie any of its notes but those of the lowest denomination. la short, such is the situation of her finances, that she is compelled, in order to perpetuate her taxes, to reject peace, and regards as a calamity the greatest blessing that Providence can bestow upon mankind."

MARRIAGE OF BONAPARTE WITH THE

ARCHDUCHESS OF AUSTRIA. This extraordinary union has been carried into completion.-The Prince of Neufchatel arrived at Vienna on the 4th of March, accompanied by Count de Laborde, Coast Lauriston, and several Ladies of the new French Household, designed to escort the Princess to Paris. Next day they were presented by the imperial Lord Chamberlain to the Emperor Francis, the Empress, and the Archdukes Ferdinand, Charles, Anthony, John, Regnier, Louis, and Rodolphe. The Imperial Court was extremely splen

did, and a grand ball was given in the evening. The intended bride did not appear at either. On the 6th, the Archduchess Maria Louisa, in presence of the whole Imperial Court, renounced for herself and her issue, all right to the Imperial throne of Austria.

On the 7th of March (the day fixed for the solemn demand,) at six in the evening, the French ambassador proceeded to court with great ceremony, and was received in the same manner as on a

day of audience. Having arrived near his majesty's throne, he delivered a speech, and demanded, in the name of his majesty the Emperor Napoleon, the hand of her imperial highness the Archduchess Maria Louisa. The emperor, as chief of his house, having given an answer, and the grand chamberlain having been sent to conduct the Archduchess Maria Louisa, her imperial highness entered, accompanied by the grand mistress and grand master of her court, and having approached his majesty with a profound reverence, she was placed on the left of the emperor. The ambassador then presented to her imperial highness the letter, and the portrait of the emperor of the French. Her imperial highness, having formally consented to the demand made of her, placed the portrait on her bosom. The ambassador then proceeded to an audience of the empress, and then to the apartment of the Archduke Charles, to whom the ambassador communicated the desire of the emperor of the French that his im perial highness would represent his person in the solemnity of the marriage. Having then presented to his imperial highness his full powers, he retired to his hotel.

Speech of the French Ambassador to the Emperor.

Sire, I come in the name of the emperor, my master, to demand of you the hand of the Archduchess Maria Louisa, your illustrious daughter. The eminent qualities which distinguish that princess have assigned her a place upon a great throne. She will contribute to the happiness of a great people and of a great

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Answer of the Emperor.

I regard the demand in marriage of my daughter as a pledge of the sentiments of the Emperor of the French, which I justly appreciate. My wishes fro the happiness of the future marriage cannot be expressed with too much truth; it will be mine. I shall find, in the friendship of the prince whom you represent, excellent motives of consolation for the separation of my dear child; our people will see the assured pledge of their mutual welfare. I grant the hand of my daughter to the Emperor of the French.

Speech of the French Ambassador to the

Archduchefs Maria Louifa.

MADAME,-Your august father has fulfilled the wishes of the Emperor, my master. Political considerations may have influenced the determination of both sovereigns, but the first consideration is that of your happiness. It is, above all, your consent, Madame, that the Emperor wishes to obtain. It will be delightful to see united on a great throne to the genius of power those beauties and graces which are so dearly loved. This day, Madame, will be a happy one for the Emperor, my master, if your imperial highness orders me to inform him that you participate in the hopes, the wishes, and the sentiments of

his heart.

Anfwer of her Imperial Highness the Arch

duchefs Maria Louifa.

The will of my father has constantly been mine; my happiness will always be involved in his. It is in these principles that the Emperor Napoleon can not fail to find a pledge of the sentiments which will actuate my conduct towards my husband; happy if I can contribute to his happiness and to that of a great nation. I give, with the permission of my father, my consent to my union with the Emperor Napoleon. Speech of the French Ambassador to the

Emprefs.

MADAME,—The Emperor, my master, has specially charged me to testify to your Imperial majesty, all those sentiments with which he is penetrated to wards you. He deeply feels the obligation which he owes to you for the good example, and the care which the

Archduchess Maria Louisa has recei ved from you. He cannot conceive a better model for the union of the ma jesty of the throne with amiability, and the gracious qualities which your ma. jesty possesses in so eminent a degree.

Anfwer of the Empress.

It is in the moment so interesting to my heart, in which the destiny of my dear daughter is fixed for ever, that I am charmed at receiving from your se rene highness the assurance of the sentiments of the Emperor and King. Habituated upon all occasions to conform my wishes and my opinion to those of the Emperor, my dearly beloved husband, I unite with him in the confidence with which he looks to the results promised by so happy an union, as well as in the most ardent wishes for the future and unalterable happiness of our very dear daughter, which will henceforth only depend on that of his Majesty the Emperor and King. Feeling sensibly the opinion, much too favourable, which his majesty the Emperor and King has conceived of me, I can only attribute it to the excellent natural disposition of my dear daughter, and the mildness of her character. I will answer for her, that her only object will be to contribute to the happiness of his majesty the Emperor and King, and to conciliate at the same time the love of the French nation.

Speech of the French Ambassador to bis Imperial Highness the Archdake Charles.

Monseigneur, The emperor, my ror, your illustrious brother, the hand master, having obtained from the empeof the Archduchess Maria Louisa, has charged me to express to your imperial highness the value which he sets upon it by his wish that you would accept his if your imperial highness gives your procuration for the marriage ceremony. consent, I have the honour to present to you the procuration of my master.

Anfwer of the Archduke Charles.

I accept with pleasure, my prince, the proposition which his majesty the emperor of the French has through you transmitted to me. Equally flattered by his choice, as penetrated with the delightful presentiment that this alliance will efface every trace of political dissension, repair the evils of war, and produce a future happiness to two nations,

who

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