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landing was frankly related." Such, gentlemen, (said the Chancellor) is the true position in which France is now placed. Buonaparte, who landed with 1100 men, makes rapid progress. We do not exactly know to what extent defections have increased his band; but these defections cannot be doubted when we find Grenoble occupied, and the second city of the kingdom ready to fall, and probably already in the hands of the enemy. Numerous emissaries from Buonaparte repair to our regiments; some of them are already in our ranks. It is feared that many misled men will yield to their perfidious insinuations, and this fear alone enfeebles our means of defence." The Chancellor then mentioned the national guard as the principal object of reliance in this emergency, and referred to a decree by which his Majesty had put this force into requisition throughout the kingdom. The command of all the troops in Paris and its environs was conferred on the Duke of Bei ri. The only favourable occurrences which had taken place were the meeting of a body of ten thousand men by Marshal Mortier, who were marching from Lisle to Paris upon a counterfeit order, and whom the Marshal sent back to their quarters; and the defeat of an attempt by the General Lallemand with some troops from the garrison of Cambray, to obtain possession of the military depot at La Fere, in Picardy.

Buonaparte, who on his first entrance into France had an; ounced himself lieutenant-general of his son, arrived for the

purpose of correcting abuses in the government; now that he was in possession of Lyons, and was hailed emperor by the soldiers, assumed his former dignity without disguise, and prefixed to his public papers "Napoleon, by the grace of God, and the constitutions of the empire, emperor of the French." He issued a decree by which lie declared all changes made during his absence in the administration both civil and military, null and void ; the white cockade, and the orders of St. Louis, the Holy Ghost, and St. Michael, abolished; the military establishment of the king suppressed; the good* and chattels of the Bourbon princes sequestrated; the nobility and feudal titles abolished: the emigrants who had entered with the King banished, and the chamber of peers and deputies dissolved. To supply the place of the latter, he ordered the electoral colleges of the empire to assemble at Paris in the course,of May ensuing, in an extraordinary assembly of the Champ de Mai, for the purpose of correcting and modifying the constitution, and assisting at ttic coronation of his empress and son. This language was evidently a lure thrown out for that part of the nation which was attached to popular principles of government, and on which, next to the army, he most relied for support.

The troops assembled around him were still comparatively only a handful, and to push on to the capital of France with such a force might scein an enteqirize full of hazard ; but Buonaparte had already obtained sufficient assurance •. <• of the general disposing the army in his favour, : ciin scarcelybe doubted that H»ctul of its principal com>.,,tm!crs had secretly engaged •mselves to promote his cause. . ' e crisis speedily arrived. Preparations had been made for collecting a large body of troops at Melun for the immediate protection of Paris, and another was posted at Montargis on the road toFontainbleau, in order that the invader might be placed between two fires on his advance. Great hopes were derived from the supposed loyalty of Marshal Ney, Prince of Moskwa, an officer of high military reputation, who had spontaneously repaired to the Tuilleries with a proffer of his services, assuring the King, in a gasconade which might have excited suspicion, that he would bring Buonaparte to Paris in an iron cage. He was sent to the command of 12 or 15,000 men stationed at Lons le Saulnier, whence he was to fall on the rear of Buonaparte; but on the advance of the latter to Auxterre, Ney joined him with his whole division, whom he had ordered to hoist the tri-coloured flag. He sealed his treason by a proclamation to his troops, in which he told them that the cause of the Bourbons was for ever lost, and that the lawful dynasty, which the French had adopted, was about to ascend the throne. This defection was decisive of the contest, for all confidence was now at an end. The King on the night of the 19th left Paris with the Princes of the blood, and proceeded for Lisle, having first published a proclamation to the peers

and chamber of deputies, stating the reason for his departure, and ordaining their separation.

Buonaparte entered Paris on the evening of the 20th, having been met by all the military, who received him in triumph; and thus, within three weeks from his landing as a desperate adventurer, he had marched without having occasion to. fire a musket, through the greatest part of France, to mount a throne occupied by the legitimate successor of a long line of native kings, and apparently fenced by all the authority of a potent monarchy. But the throne of France, like that of the Roman emperors, was at the disposal of the soldiery, whose feelings were purely professional; and had the voice of the French people been of any weight in the decision, it is doubtful how far the love of change, and the indignant sense of having had a sovereign imposed upon them by conquest, might have influenced their determination. This last circumstance was studiously brought to view by the usurper in his public addresses. "The throne of the Bourbons (said he) is illegitimate, since it has been erected by foreign hands, and proscribed by the voice of the nation, expressed in every national assembly."

If, however, foreign hands had replaced the Bourbons on the throne of France, was it not probable that they would be exerted to maintain them there? This idea, like the suspended sword of Damocles, could not fail to render uneasy to Buonaparte the seat to which he had made his way with such unparalleled facility j cility; and he knew that it must occur to every Frenchman capable of serious reflection, and would give confidence to the royalists in every part of the kingdom. It was therefore one of his first attempts to inculcate the belief that the allied powers would not interfere in this new revolution. He at first boldly asserted that he had brought a twenty years truce in his pocket; and when this important paper could not be produced, expectations were raised of the immediate return of the empress and young Napoleon, as a pledge of the pacific intentions of Austria; and reasons were assigned why England and Russia were likely to remain neuter. These hopes, however, were fatally defeated by a declaration made public at Vienna on March 13th, by the plenipotentiaries of the powers •who had signed the treaty of Paris. It was said in this manifesto, that Jluonaparte, by breaking the convention which established him in the island of Elba, had des:roved the only legal title on which his existence depended, and had manifested to the universe that there could be neither peace nor truce with him; and the powers consequently declared, that Napoleon Buonaparte jiad placed himself out of the pale of civil and social relations, and as an enemy and disturber of the tranquillity of the world, hud rendered him.-olf liable to public vengeance. They further affirmed, that if there should result from this attempt of his, any real danger, they would be ready to give to the King of France, and to the French nation, or to every other government that should be at

tacked, all the assistance requisite torestore public tranquillity. This declaration was signed by the ministers of Austria, Spain, France, Great Britain, Portugal, Prussia, Russia, and Sweden, and preparations were every where making to support its resolutions. Jta authenticity was called in question at Paris, but the reception Buonaparte's fraternal letters to the allied sovereigns met with, and the approach of their armies to the frontiers, gave convincing proof of their determinations.

Meanwhile the new revolution was strengthening itself inFrauce, the greater part of which seemed to adopt with enthusiasm the tricoloured Hag and the sovereignty of Napoleon; but the latter, only under the form of the head to a popular government. This idea was explicitly declared in the different addresses presented to Buonaparte in his imperial capacity at the Tuilleries on March '27th. That of the ministers led the way, signed by Cambacercs, the Dukes of (laeta, of Bassano (Maret), Otranto (Fouche), and Vincenza (Caulaincuurt), the Prince of Eckmuhl (Davoust), Mollien, and Carnot. The whole strain of this address corresponds to the following passage: "The cause of the people, the only legitimate cause, has triumphed. Your Majesty is restored to the wishes of tl^e French: you have resumed the reins of government amidst the blessings of your people and your army. France, Sire, has for the guaranty of this, its will, and its dearest interests. She has also the expressions of your Majesty uttered amidst the throngs that crowded around yon

on on jour journey." They proceed to mention the maxims which he had announced as those by which the nation was in future to be governed. "We arc to have no foreign war, unless to repel unjust aggression: no internal reaction; no arbitrary acts. Personal security, protection of property, the free utterance of thought, such are the principles which your Majesty lias pledged to us." To addresses like these Buonaparte was obliged at this juncture to return corresponding answers; conscious, without doubt, that the very necessity imposed on him of securing the new order of things by armies entirely at his devotion, would give him the power, if successful, of modifying his promises at his pleasure. It was probably for the purpose of ingratiating himself with the party attached to liberty, that he published a decree for the abolition of the slave-trade.

The south of France continued for some time in a state of opposition to the change of government. The Duke of Angoulemc had repaired at the first alarm to Nismes. His Duchess went to Bourdeaux, which city, as the first place that had declared for the Bourbons, might be expected to be zealous in their cause. The prefect of the department of the Gironde published at Bourdeaux on March 25th un address to 'be inhabitants, in which he informed them that the departments of the south would form one government under the command of the Duke of Angouleme; and this was seconded by au address to the volunteers of

the national guard by the eouncilgenei al of the department. Marseille.*, Valence, and some other towns, also organized a small force to act in the royal cause. The attempt at Bourdeaux to excite a spirit of resistai ce to the power of the usurper was soon brought to a close, notwithstanding all the exertions of the Duchessof Angoulemc, who proved that an almost ascetic devotion had not unfitted her from taking a very active and energetic part in supporting the interests of her family. After having in vain used every endeavour to rouse the courage of the officers who wore the white cockade, she said, "I see your fears, you are cowards; 1 absolve you from the oaths you have taken!" and turning her horse, she rode away, and soon after, on April 1st, embarked on board of an English frigate.

TheDukcof Angc-uleme in the meantime had been trying his fortune in another part. On April 2d his troops gained an advantage at the passage of the Drone, the consequence of which was the possession of Valence, and of the cotirse of the Isere. On the 3d he was informed that Nismes and Montpellier had raised the standard of revolt, and that three generals were advancing against him. The national guards now began to quit him. He left Valence, and began his retreat, and he sent to General Gilly at Pont St. Esprit to propose a convention for the liberty of passing with his corps. Thi convention was signed on the 8th, by which the royal nrmv was disbanded, and the national guards who remained were allowed to return to their homes

cility; and he knew that it must
occur to every Frenchman capable
of serious reflection, and would
give confidence to the royalists in
every part of the kingdom. It
was therefore one of his first at-
tempts to inculcate the belief that
the allied powers would not in-
terfere in this new revolution.
He at first boldly asserted that he
had brought a twenty years truce
in his pocket; and when this im-
portant paper could not be pro-
duced, expectations were raised of
the immediate return of the em-
press and young Napoleon, as a
pledge of the pacific intentions of
Austria; and reasons were assign-
til why England and Russia were
likely to remain neuter. These
hopes, howeter, were fatally
feated by a declaration made;
lie at Vienna on .Match 13th, bj
the plenipotentiaries of the pov
who had signed the treaty of Pari
It was said in this manifesto.
Jiuonaparte, by breaking
convention which est::
him in the island of
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title on which his exist
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the universe that there
neither peace nor true
and the powers cpns<
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at once (said the minis.aey are arming, or marchi ready to march." To this : was annexed another from committee of presidents of - council of state, at a sitting •. April 2d. It began with acum; cut upon the declaration of the , tlied powers on March 13th, t ahich the committee first afr.-med to have been the work of t iie French plenipotentiaries, and ihcti endeavoured to shew its in, consistency with all public and national rights. It proceeded to enumerate the breach of engagements made with the Emperor Napoleon, and the violation of the wnstitutional rjghtsof the French oation by Louis; and concluded tt-ith an attempt to prove that there :iad been no change effected by (he restoration of Napoleon which ought to induce foreign powers to interfere in the affairs of l?rance. This paper was signed by the Counts Defermon, Regnaud, St. Jean D'Angely, Rou]jy, and Andreossy.

Not long before this report of the French council of State, a ireaty had been concluded at Vienna, dated March 25, between Russia, Austria, Prussia, and Great Britain, by whi»h these power*

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