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war; but the obvious policy and design in fixing an efficient military peace establishment, did not 1 afford an opportunity to distinguish the aged and infirm on account of their past services; nor the wounded and disabled, on account of their present sufferings. The extent of the reduction indeed unavoidably involved the exclusion of many meritorious officers of every rank, from the service of their country; and so equal, as well as so numerous, were the claims to attention, that a decision by the standard of comparative merit, could seldom be attained. Judged, however, in candour, by a general standard of positive merit, the Army Register will, it is believed, do honour to the establishment; while the case of those officers, whose names are not included in it, devolves, with the strongest interests, upon the Legislative Authority, for such provision as shall be deemed the best calculated to give support and solace to the veteran and invalid; to display the beneficence, as well as the justice of the Government; and to inspire a martial zeal for the public service, upon every future emergency.

Although the embarrassments arising from the want of an uniform national currency have not been diminished since the adjournment of Congress, great satisfaction has been derived, in contemplating the revival of the public credit, and the efficiency of the public resources. The receipts into the Treasury from the various branches of revenue, during the nine months ending on the 30th of September last, have been estimated at twelve millions and

a half of dollars; the issues of Treasury Notes of every denomination, during the same period, amounted to the sum of fourteen millions of dollars; and there was also obtained upon loan, during the same period, a sum of nine millions of dollars, of which the sum of six millions of dollars was subscribed in cash, and the sam of three millions of dollars in Treasury notes. With these means, added to the sum of one million and a half of dollars, being the balance of money in the Treasury on the first of January, there has been paid, between the first of January, and the 1st of October, on account of the appropriations of the preceding and of the present year (exclusively of the amount of the Treasury notes subscribed to the loan, and the amount redeemed in the payment of duties and taxes), the aggregate sum of thirty-three millions and a half of dollars, leaving a balance then in the Treasury estimated at the sum of three millions of dollars. Independent, however, of the arrearages due for military services and supplies, it is presumed, that a further sum of five millions of dollars, including the interest on the public debt, payable on the 1st of January next, will be demanded at the Treasury to complete the expenditures of the present year, and for which the existing ways and means will sufficiently provide.

The national debt, as it was ascertained on the 1st of October last, amounted in the whole to the sum of one hundred and twenty millions of dollars, consisting of the unredeemed balance of the debt contracted before the late war (thirty-nine millions of dol

lars),

lars), the amount of the funded debt contracted in consequence of the war (sixty-four millions of dollars), and the amount of the unfunded and floating debt, (including the various issues of Treasury notes) seventeen millions of dollars, which is in a gradual course of payment. There will, probably, be some addition to the public debt, upon the liquidation of various claims which are depending; and a conciliatory disposition on the part of Congress may lead honourably and advantageously to an equitable arrangement of the militia expenses, incurred by the several States, without the previous sanction or authority of the government of the United States.But, when it is considered that the new, as well as the old, portion of the debt has been contracted in the assertion of the national rights and independence; and when it is recollected, that the public expenditures not being exclusively bestowed upon subjects of a transient nature, will long be visible in the number and equipments of the American navy, in the military works for the defence of our harbours and our frontiers, and in the supplies of our arsenals and magazines; the amount will bear a gratifying comparison with the objects which have been attained, as well as well as with the resources of the country.

The arrangement of the finances, with a view to the reeeipts and expenditures of a permanent peace establishment, will necessarily enter into the deliberations of Congress during the present session. It is true that the improved condition of the

public revenue will not only afford the means of maintaining the faith of the Government with its creditors inviolate, and of prosecuting successfully the measures of the most liberal policy; but will also justify an immediate alleviation of burthens imposed by the necessities of war. It is, however, essential to every modification of the finances, that the benefits of an uniform national currency should be restored to the community. The absence of the precious metals will, it is believed, be a temporary evil; but until they can be again rendered the general medium of exchange, it devolves on the wisdom of Congress to provide a substitute, which shall equally engage the confidence and accommodate the wants of the citizens throughout the union. If the operation of the state banks cannot produce this result, the probable operation of a national bank will merit consideration; and, if neither of these expedients be deemed effectual, it may become necessary to ascertain the terms upon which the notes of the Government (no longer required as an instrument of credit) shall be issued, upon motives of general policy, as a common medium of circulation.

Notwithstanding the security for future repose which the United States ought to find in their love of peace, and their constant respect for the rights of other nations, the character of the times particularly inculcates the lesson that, whether to prevent or repel danger, we ought not to be unprepared for it. This consideration will sufficiently recommend to Congress a liberal provision for the immediate extension and gra

dual

dual completion of the works of defence, both fixed and floating, on our maritime frontier, and an adequate provision for guarding our inland frontier against dangers to which certain portions of it may continue to be exposed.

As an improvement on our military establishment, it will deserve the consideration of Congress, whether a corps of invalids might not be so organized and employed, as at once to aid in the support of meritorious individuals, excluded by age or infirmities from the existing establishment, and to preserve to the public the benefit of their stationary services, and of their exemplary discipline. I recommend also, an enlargement of the military academy already established, and the establishment of others in other sections of the union. And I cannot press too much on the attention of Congress, such a classification and organization of the militia, as will most effectually render it the safeguard of a free state. If experience has shown in the late splendid achievements of the militia, the value of this resource for the public defence, it has shewn also the importance of that skill in the use of arms, and that familiarity with the essential rules of discipline, which cannot be expected from the regulations now in force. With this subject is ultimately connected the necessity of accommodating the laws, in every respect, to the great object of enabling the political authority of the union to employ, promptly and effectually, the physical power of the union, in the cases designated by the constitution.

The signal services which have been rendered by our navy,

and the capacities it has developed for the successful co-operation in the national defence, will give to that portion of the public force its full value in the eyes of Congress, at an epoch which calls for the constant vigilance of all Governments. To preserve the ships now in a sound state; to complete those already contemplated; to provide amply the unperishable materials for prompt augmentations, and to improve the existing arrangements into more advantageous establishments, for the construction, the repairs, and the security to vessels of war, is dictated by the soundest policy.

In adjusting the duties on imports to the object of revenue, the influence of the tariff on manufactures will necessarily present itself for consideration. However wise the theory may be, which leaves to the sagacity and interest of individuals the application of their industry and resources, there are in this, as in other cases, exceptions to the general rule. Besides the condition which the theory itself implies, of a reciprocal adoption by other nations, experience teaches that so many circumstances must occur in introducing and maturing manufacturing establishments, especially of the more complicated kinds, that a country may remain long without them, although sufficiently advanced, and in some respects even peculiarly fitted for carrying them on with success. Under circumstances giving a powerful impulse to manufacturing industry, it has made among us a progress, and exhibited an efficiency, which justify the belief, that with a protection not more than is due to the enterprizing

prizing citizens whose interests are now at stake, it will become at an early day not only safe against occasional competitions from abroad, but a source of domestic wealth, and even of exterternal commerce. In selecting the branches more especially entitled to the public patronage, a preference is obviously claimed by such as will relieve the United States from a dependence on foreign supplies, ever subject to casual failures, for articles necessary for the public defence, or connected with the primary wants of individuals. It will be an additional recommendation of particular manufactures, where the materials for them are exclusively drawn from our agriculture, and consequently impart and ensure to that great fund of national prosperity and independence, an encouragement which cannot fail to be rewarded.

Among the means of advanc, ing the public interest, the occasion is a proper one for recalling the attention of Congress to the great importance of establishing throughout our country the roads and canals which can best be executed under the national authority. No objects within the circle of political economy so richly repay the expense bestowed on them: there are none, the utility of which is more universally ascertained and acknowledged: none that do more honour to the Government, whose wise and enlarged patriotism duly appreciates them. Nor is there any country which presents a field, where nature invites more the art of man, to complete her own work for his accommodation and benefit. These

considerations are strengthened, moreover, by the political effect of these facilities for intercommunication, in bringing and binding more closely together the various parts of our extended confederacy. Whilst the States, individually, with a laudable enterprise and emulation avail themselves of their local advantages, by new roads, by navigable canals, and by improving the streams susceptible of navigation, the general Government is the more urged to similar undertakings, requiring a national jurisdiction, and national means, by the prospect of thus systematically completing so inestimable a work. And it is a happy reflection, that any defect of constitutional authority which may be encountered, can be supplied in a mode which the constitution itself has providently pointed out.

The present is a favourable season also for bringing again into view the establishment of a national seminary of learning within the district of Columbia, and with means drawn from the property therein subject to the authority of the general government. Such an institution claims the patronage of Congress, as a monument of their solicitude for the advancement of knowledge, without which the bless. ings of liberty cannot be fully enjoyed, or long preserved; as a model instructive in the formation of other seminaries; as a nursery of enlightened preceptors; as a central resort of youth and genius from every part of their country, diffusing on their return examples of those national feelings, those liberal sentiments,

and

and those congenial manners, in a population rapidly increaswhich contribute cement to our union, and strength to the great political fabric, of which that is the formation.

In closing this communication, I ought not to repress a sensibility, in which you will unite, to the happy lot of our country, and to the goodness of a superintending Providence to which we are indebted for it. Whilst other portions of mankind are labouring under the distresses of war, or struggling with adversity in other forms, the United States are in the tranquil enjoyment of prosperous and honourable peace. In reviewing the scenes through which it has been attained, we can rejoice in the proofs given, that our political institutions, founded in human rights, and framed for their preservation, are equal to the severest trials of war, as well as adapted to the ordinary periods of repose. As fruits of this experience, and of the reputation acquired by the American arms, on the land and on the water, the nation finds itself possess ed of a growing respect abroad, and of a just confidence in itself, which are among the best pledges for its peaceful career.

Under other aspects of our country, the strongest features of its flourishing condition are seen,

ing, on a territory as productive as it is extensive; in a general industry, and fertile ingenuity, which find their ample rewards; and in an affluent revenue, which admits a reduction of the public burthens without withdrawing the means of sustaining the public credit, of gradually discharging the public debt, of providing for the necessary defensive and precautionary establishments, and of patronising, in every authorised mode, undertakings conducive to the aggregate wealth and indidividual comfort of our citizens.

It remains for the guardians of the public welfare, to persevere in that justice and good-will towards other nations, which invite a return of these sentiments towards the United States; to cherish institutions which guarantee their safety, and their li berties, civil and religious; and to combine with a liberal system of foreign commerce, an improvement of the natural advantages, and a protection and extension of the independent resources of our highly favoured and happy country.

In all measures, having such objects, my faithful co-operation will be afforded.

JAMES MADISON. Washington, Dec. 5, 1815.

CHARACTERS.

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