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deration has its sitting at Frankfort •on the Main; its opening is fixed for the 1st of September 1815.
IX. The first business! of the Diet, after its opening, will be the formation of the organic regulations of the Confederation, in regard to its external, military, and internal relations,
X. Every Member of the Confederation engages to assist in protecting not only all Germany, but every separate State of the league against any attack, and reciprocally to guarantee to each other the whole of their possessions included within the Confederation.
After war has been once declared by the Confederation, no member can enter into separate negotiations with the enemy, nor .conclude a separate armistice or peace.
Although the members possess the right of alliance of every kind, vet fTicy bind themselves to enter into no treaties hostile to the security of the Confederation, or to that of any Confederate State,
The Members of the League also bind themselves not to make war on each other under any pretext, nor to decide their differences by force, but to bring them under the consideration and decision of the Diet.
Besides the preceding articles, there are a variety of others relating to the internal regulations of Germany, of which the folr lowing are the most interesting :—
XIII. In all the States of the Confederation a constitutional assembly of the States-General shall be established.
XVI. Diversity of Christian religious faith in the States of the GermanConfederation,can occasion no difference in respect to the enjoyment of civil and political rights.
The Diet will take into consideration in what way the civil amelioration of the professors of the Jewish religion may best be effected, and in particular, how the enjoyment of all civil rights in return for the performance of all civil duties may be most effectually secured to them in the States of the Confederation; in the mean time the professors of this faith shall continue to enjoy the rights already extended to them.
XVIII. The confederate Princes and free cities agree to secure to the subjects of their Confederate States the following rights:—
a. The possession of landed property out of the State in which, they reside, without being subjected to greater taxes or charges than thpse of the native subjects of such State.
6. The right of free emigration from one German Confederate State to another, which shall consent to receive them for subjects; and also the right of entering into the civil or military service of any such Confederate State; both rights, however, to be enjoyed only in so far as no previous obligation to military service in their native country shall stand in the way.
c. The Diet on its first meet* ing shall occupy itself with tlte formation of some uniform regulations relative to the freedom of the press, and the securing of the rights of authors and publishers against oppression.
XIX. The Members of the Confederation also engage, on the first meeting of the Diet, to take into consideration the state of commerce and intercourse between the different States of the Confederation, as well as that of navigation, on the. principles adopted by the Congress of Vienna.
The above act was concluded, and signed at Vienna, on the 8th of June, 1815.
Duke of Wellington's Proclamation.
I announce to the French that I enter their territory at the head Of an army already victorious, not as an enemy (except of the Usurper, the enemy of the human race, with whom there can be neither peace nor truce), but to aid them to shake off the iron yoke by which they are oppressed. I therefore give to my army the subjoined orders, and I desire thatevery one who violates them may be made known to me.
The French know, however, that 1 have a right to require, that they conduct themselves in such a manner that I may be able to protect them against those who would seek to do them evil.
They must, then, furnish the requisitions that will be made of them by persons authorised to make them, taking receipts in due form and order; that they remain quietly at their homes, and have no correspondence or communication with the Usurper or with his adherents.
All those who shall absent themselves from thcirhomes, after the entrance of the army into
France, and all those who shall be absent in the service of the usurper, shall be considered as enemies and his adherents, and their property shall be appropriated to the subsistence of the army.
Given at head-quarters, atMalplaquet, this Slst day of June, 1815.
Buonaparte's Declaration to the French People.
Frenchmen !—In commencing war for maintaining the national independence I relied on the union of all efforts, of all wills, and the concurrence of all the national authorities. I had reason to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the Powers against me.
Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself as a sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May tbey prove sincere in their declarations, and have really directed them only against my power! My political life is terminated, and I proclaim my son under the title of Napoleon II. Emperor of the French.
The present Ministers will provisionally form the Council of the Government. The interest which I take in my son induces me to invite the Chambers to form without delay the Regency by a law.
Unite all for the public safety, in order to remain an independent nation.
Paris, June'H, 1815.
-proclamation Of Louis Sviii.
The King to the French People. The gates of my kingdom at last open before me; 1 hasten to bring back my misled subjects, to mitigate the calamities which I had wished to prevent, to place myself a second time between the Allied and the French armies, in the hope that the feelings of consideration of which I may be the object may tend to their preservation. This is the only way in which I have wished to take part in the war. I have not-permitted any Prince of my family to appear in foreign ranks, and have chained in the courage of those of my servants who had been able to range themselves around me.
Returned to the soil of my count ry, I take pleasure in speaking confidence to my people. When I first re-appeared among yon, I found men's minds agitated, and heated by conflicting passions. My views encountered on every side nothing but difficulties and obstacles. My government was liable to commit errors: perhaps it did commit them. There are times when the purest intentions are insufficient to direct, or sometimes they even mislead.
Experience alone could teach; it shall not be lost. All that can save France is my wish.
My subjects have learned by cruel trials, that the principle of the legitimacy of Sovereigns Ls one of the fundamental bases of social order,—the only one upon which, amidst a great nation, a wise and well-ordered libei-ty can be established. This doctrine has just been proclaimed as that of
all Europe. I had previously consecrated it by my charter, and I claim to add to that charter all the guarantee which can secure the benefits of it.
The unity of ministry is the strongest that I can offer. I mean that it should exist, and that the frank and firm march of my Council should guarantee all interests and calm all inquietudes.
Some have talked latterly of the restoration of tithes and feudal rights. This fable, invented by the common enemy, does not require confutation. It will not be expected that the King should stoop to refute calumnies and lies: the success of the treason has too clearly indicated their source. If the purchasers of national property have felt alarm, the Charter should suffice to re-assure them. Did I not myself propose to the Chambers, and cause to be executed, sales of such property? This proof of my sincerity is unanswerable.
In these latter times, my subjects of all classes have given me equal proofs of love and fidelity. I wish them to know how sensibly I feel them, and that it is from among all Frenchmen I shall delight to choose those whoare to approach my person and my family.
I wish to exclude from my presence none but those whose celebrity is matter of grief to France, and of horror to Europe. In the plot which they hatched, I perceive many of my subjects misled, and some guilty.
1 promise—1 who never promised in vain (;ill Europe knows it)—to pardon to misled Frenchmen, all that has passed since the day when I quitted Lille, amidst
so many tears, up to the day when I re-entered Cambrai, amidst so many acclamations.
But the hlood of my people has flowed, in consequence of a treason of which the annals of the world present no example. That treason has summoned foreigners into the heart of France. Every day reveals to me a new disaster. I owe it, then, to the dignity of my crown, to the interest of my people, to the repose of Europe, to except from pardon the instigators and authors of this horrible plot. They shall be designated to the vengeance of the laws by the two Chambers, whicli I propose forthwith to assemble.
Frenchmen, such are the sentiments which he brings among you, whom time has not been able to change, nor calamities fatigue, nor injustice made to stoop. The King, whose fathers reigned for eight centuries over yours, returns to consecrate the remainder of his days in defend ijig and consoling you.
Given at Cambrai, this 28th of June, in the year of our Lord 1815, and of our reign the 21st.
By the King.
(Signed) Prince Talletrand,
A Supplementary Convention between his Britannic Majesty and the Emperor of alt the Russias. Siprned at London the 17th (19th) of June, 1S14.
( Translation. ) His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Bri
tain Britain and Ireland, and hi-: Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, in concert with their high allies, his Majesty the Emperor of Austria and his Majesty the King of Prussia, considering that the grand object of their alliance, to ensure the future tranquillity of Europe, and to establish a just equilibrium of power, cannot be deemed to be completely accomplished, until the arrangements concerning the state of possession of the different countries composing it, shall have been definitively settled at the Congress, to beheld agreeably to the 32d Article of the Treaty of Peace signed at Pari* the 30th of May, 1814, have judged it necessary, conformably to the Treaty of Chaumont of the 1st of March of the same year, to keep still on foot a portion of their armies, in order to give effect to the above arrangements, and to maintain order and tranquillity until the state of Europe shall be entirely re-established.
The High Contracting Powers have in consequence appointed their Plenipotentiaries, namely, his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Right Honourable Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, one of his said Majesty's most Hon. Privy Council, &c. and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Charles Robert Count de Nesselrode, his Privy Counsellor, &c. who, after exchanging their full powers, and finding them in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles:
Art. I. His Britannic MajesO
anil his Majesty the Emperor all the Russias engage to keep on a ■war establishment, until the definitive arrangement to be made at the above Congress, an army of seventy-five thousand troops, that is to say, sixty thousand infantry, and fifteen thousand cavalry, together with a train of artillery, and with equipments proportioned to the number of troops, which number is equal to that which his Imperial and royal Apostolic Majesty the Emperor of Austria and his Majesty the King of Prussia bind themselves to keep on foot for the same purpose.
Art. II. His Britannic Majesty reserves to himself to furnish his contingent, conformably to the Ninth Article of the Treaty of Chaumont of the 1 st of March, 1814.
Article III. The High Contracting Parties, as well as their Majesties the Emperor of Austria and King of Prussia, engage to employ these armies only pursuant to a common plan, and conformably to the spirit, and for the object, of their alliance abovementioned.
Article IV. ThepresentConvention shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged within two months, or sooner, if possible.
In faith of which the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Convention, and have affixed to it the seals of their arms.
Done at London the 29th of June, One Thousand Eight Hundred and Fourteen.
The Plenipotentiaries on the the part of Great Britain and Austria were the Right Honourable Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, and the Sieur Clement Wenceslas Lothaire, Prince of Metternich, &c. &c. &c.
The Plenipotentiaries on the part of Great Britain and Prussia were the Right Honourable Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, and Prince Charles Au«gustus de Hardenberg, Chancellor of State, Knight of the Grand Order of the Black Eagle, &c. &c. &c.
We, William, by the Grace of God, King of the Netherlands, Prince of Orange-Nassau, Grand Duke of Luxemburg, &c.
When the government of Belgium was given into our hands by the High Allied Powers, we had previously given our formal adhesion to the conditions of the Union of Belgium with the United Provinces of the Netherlands, which had been agreed upon at London by the Plenipotentiaries of the said Powers, in the month of June, 1S14, and of which the following is the tenor :—
Art. I. This union is to be intimate and complete, so that the two countries shall form one andthe same state, governed by the Constitution already established in Holland, which shall be modified by common consent, according to the new state of things'.
2. No innovation shall be made in the articles of this Constitution, which ensure equal favour and protection to all forms of worship,