declared verbally, therefore, he has the honour now to repeat it in writing. He then declared, that all that he could do, out of respect to the Powers whose Plenipotentiaries were assembled yesterday evening, was, that he must leave to his own Court the decision in relation to the communicated treaty, and till then, cannot subscribe it.

1. Because his instructions forbid him to subscribe any agreement contrary to the immediate and complete restoration of the three Duchies of Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla, as he had the honour to make known to Prince Metternich in a note of the 3d of April, which has remained unanswered, and which has not been imparted to Congress, contrary to the express wishes therein set forth.

2. Because, while Spain has desired of Austria, in its own name, the restoration of Tuscany, and subsidiarily of Parma, and while besides his Catholic Majesty takes an immediate interest in the fate of his Majesty the King of France, even had the undersigned not been summoned, like the Plenipotentiaries of other powers who signed the treaty of Paris, and admitted to the Congress of Vienna, in no way could the Plenipotentiaries of Austria, Britain, &c. legitimately decide respecting the fate of Tuscany and Parma, without this concert. And certainly it will be impossible to persuade any man that can be called entering into negotiation between two powers, when the Plenipotentiary of the one is

merely invited to adopt that which the mediating powers have irrevocably fixed with the other, and which is then made the formal article of a treaty.

3. Because, among the great number of articles of which the treaty consists, there is only a small number, respecting which information was given in the conferences to the Plenipotentiaries of the eight powers who signed the peace of Paris, and as all these Plenipotentiaries are reciprocally equal, and the Powers whom they represent equally independent, it cannot be admitted that a part of them have the right of deciding and concluding, and the rest of them only that of subscribing, or refusing subscription, without an open contempt of the most essential forms, without the most manifest subversion of all principles; and without the introduction of a new law of nations, to which the Powers of Europe cannot submit without ipso facto renouncing their independence, and which, however general it may become, shall never be so on the other side of the Pyrennees.

The undersigned requests his Highness Prince Metternich, in his capacity of President of the Congress, to lay this note before the other Plenipotentiaries, and to permit its insertion in the Protocol of conferences.

He embraces this opportunity of renewing to his Highness the assurance of his high consideration,

(Signed)

P. M. GOMEZ LABRADOR. Vienna, June 5, 1815.

German

German Act of Confederation.

Ar. 1. The Sovereign Princes and free cities of Germany, including their Majesties the Emperor of Austria and the Kings of Prussia, Denmark, and the Netherlands, namely, the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia, for those of their possessions which formerly belonged to the German Empire, the King of Denmark for Holstein, the King of the Netherlands for the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg, unite themselves into a perpetual league, which shall be called the German Confederation.

2. The object thereof is the maintenance of the internal and external security of Germany, and of the independence and inviolability of the different German

states.

3. The Members of the Confederation have, as such, equal rights; they bind themselves, all equally to maintain the act of confederation.

4. The affairs of the Confederation shall be managed by a general assembly, in which all the Members of the Confederation shall be represented by their plenipotentiaries, who shall each have one vote either severally, or as representing more than one member, as follows:

Austria 1 vote, Prussia 1, Bavaria 1, Saxony 1, Hanover 1, Wurtemberg 1, Baden 1, Electorate of Hesse, 1, Grand Duchy of Hesse 1, Denmark for Holstein 1, the Netherlands for Luxemburg 1, the Grand-Ducal and Ducal Saxon Houses 1, Brunswick and Nassau 1, Mecklenburg

Schwerin, and Mecklenburg Strelitz 1, Holstein Oldenburg, Anhalt, and Schwartzburg 1, Hohenzollern, Lichtenstein, Reuss, Schaumberg Lippe, Lippe and Waldeck 1, the free cities of Lubeck, Frankfort, Bremen, and Hamburgh 1; total 17 votes.

V. Austria has the presidency in the Diet of the Confederation; every member of the league is empowered to make propositions and bring them under discussion; and the presiding member is bound to submit such propositions for deliberation within a fixed period.

VI. When these propositions relate to the abolition or alteration of the fundamental laws of the Confederation, or to regulations relating to the Act of Confederation itself, then the Diet forms itself into a full committee, when the different component members shall have the following votes proportioned to the extent of their territories :—

Austria, Prussia, Saxony, Bavaria, Hanover, and Wurtemburg, four votes each; Baden, Electorate of Hesse, Grand Duchy of Hesse, Holstein, and Luxemburg, three votes each; Brunswick, Mecklenburg-Schwerin, and Nassau, two votes each; Saxe Weimar, and a great number of minor German Princes, with the free towns, one vote each; total 69 votes.

VII. Questions in the Diet shall be decided by a simple majority of votes, on ordinary occasions, the President to have the casting vote; but when in full committee, the question must be decided by a majority of at least three fourths.

VIII. The Diet of the Confe

deration

deration has its sitting at Frankfort on the Main; its opening is fixed for the 1st of September 1815.

IX. The first business of the Diet, after its opening, will be the formation of the organic regulations of the Confederation, in regard to its external, military, and internal relations,

X. Every Member of the Confederation engages to assist in protecting not only all Germany, but every separate State of the league against any attack, and reciprocally to guarantee to each other the whole of their possessions included within the Confederation.

After war has been once declared by the Confederation, no member can enter into separate negociations with the enemy, nor conclude a separate armistice or peace.

Although the members possess the right of alliance of every kind, yet they bind themselves to enter into no treaties hostile to the security of the Confederation, or to that of any Confederate State,

The Members of the League also bind themselves not to make war on each other under any pretext, nor to decide their differences by force, but to bring them under the consideration and decision of the Diet.

Besides the preceding articles, there are a variety of others relating to the internal regulations of Germany, of which the following are the most interesting:

XIII. In all the States of the Confederation a constitutional assembly of the States-General shall be established,

XVI. Diversity of Christian religious faith in the States of the GermanConfederation, can occasion no difference in respect to the enjoy ment of civil and political rights.

The Diet will take into consideration in what way the civil amelioration of the professors of the Jewish religion may best be effected, and in particular, how the enjoyment of all civil rights in return for the performance of all civil duties may be most effectually secured to them in the States of the Confederation; in the mean time the professors of this faith shall continue to enjoy the rights already extended to them.

XVIII. The confederate Princes and free cities agree to secure to the subjects of their Confederate States the following rights :

a. The possession of landed property out of the State in which they reside, without being sub, jected to greater taxes or charges than those of the native subjects of such State.

b. The right of free emigra tion from one German Confederate State to another, which shall consent to receive them for subjects; and also the right of entering into the civil or military service of any such Confederate State; both rights, however, to be enjoyed only in so far as no previous obligation to military service in their native country shall stand in the way.

c. The Diet on its first meeting shall occupy itself with the formation of some uniform regulations relative to the freedom of the press, and the securing of the rights of authors and publishers against oppression.

XIX. The Members of the Confederation also engage, on the first meeting of the Diet, to take into consideration the state of commerce and intercourse between the different States of the Confederation, as well as that of navigation, on the principles adopted by the Congress of Vienna.

The above act was concluded, and signed at Vienna, on the 8th of June, 1815.

Duke of Wellington's Proclama

tion.

I announce to the French that I enter their territory at the head of an army already victorious, not as an enemy (except of the Usurper, the enemy of the human race, with whom there can be neither peace nor truce), but to aid them to shake off the iron yoke by which they are oppressed. I therefore give to my army the subjoined orders, and I desire thatevery one who violates them may be made known to me..

The French know, however, that I have a right to require, that they conduct themselves in such a manner that I may be able to protect them against those who would seek to do them evil.

They must, then, furnish the requisitions that will be made of them by persons authorised to make them, taking receipts in due form and order; that they remain quietly at their homes, and have no correspondence or communication with the Usurper or with his adherents.

All those who shall absent themselves from their homes, after the entrance of the army into

Buonaparte's Declaration to the French People.

Frenchmen!-In commencing war for maintaining the national independence I relied on the union of all efforts, of all wills, and the concurrence of all the national authorities. I had reason to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the Powers against me.

Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself as a sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they prove sincere in their declarations, and have really directed them only against my power! My political life is terminated, and I proclaim my son under the title of Napoleon II. Emperor of the French.

The present Ministers will provisionally form the Council of the Government. The interest which I take in my son induces me to invite the Chambers to form without delay the Regency by a law.

Unite all for the public safety, in order to remain an independent

PROCLAMATION OF LOUIS XVIII.

The King to the French People. The gates of my kingdom at last open before me; I hasten to bring back my misled subjects, to mitigate the calamities which I had wished to prevent, to place myself a second time between the Allied and the French armies, in the hope that the feelings of consideration of which I may be the object may tend to their preservation. This is the only way in which I have wished to take part in the war. I have not permitted any Prince of my family to appear in foreign ranks, and have chained in the courage of those of my servants who had been able to range themselves around me.

Returned to the soil of my country, I take pleasure in speaking confidence to my people. When I first re-appeared among you, I found men's minds agitated, and heated by conflicting passions. My views encountered on every side nothing but difficulties and obstacles. My government was liable to commit errors: perhaps it did commit them. There are times when the purest intentions are insufficient to direct, or sometimes they even mislead.

Experience alone could teach; it shall not be lost. All that can save France is my wish.

My subjects have learned by cruel trials, that the principle of the legitimacy of Sovereigns is one of the fundamental bases of social order, the only one upon which, amidst a great nation, a wise and well-ordered liberty can be established. This doctrine has just been proclaimed as that of

all Europe. I had previously consecrated it by my charter, and I claim to add to that charter all the guarantee which can secure the benefits of it.

The unity of ministry is the strongest that I can offer. I mean that it should exist, and that the frank and firm march of my Council should guarantee all interests and calm all inquietudes.

Some have talked latterly of the restoration of tithes and feudal rights. This fable, invented by the common enemy, does not require confutation. It will not be expected that the King should stoop to refute calumnies and lies: the success of the treason has too clearly indicated their source. If the purchasers of national property have felt alarm, the Charter should suffice to re-assure them. Inot myself propose to the Chambers, and cause to be executed, sales of such property? This proof of my sincerity is unanswerable.

Did

In these latter times, my subjects of all classes have given me equal proofs of love and fidelity. I wish them to know how sensibly I feel them, and that it is from among all Frenchmen I shall delight to choose those who are to approach my person and my family.

I wish to exclude from my presence none but those whose celebrity is matter of grief to France, and of horror to Europe. In the plot which they hatched, I perceive many of my subjects misled, and some guilty.

I promise-I who never promised in vain (all Europe knows it)-to pardon to misled Frenchmen, all that has passed since the day when I quitted Lille, amidst