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with me only a handful of brave men, necessary for my guard.
Raised to the Tlu'one by your choice, all that has been done ■without you is illegitimate. For twenty-five years Fiance has had new interests, new institutions, and new glory, which could only be secured by a national Government, and by a Dynasty created under these new circumstances. A Prince who should reign over you, who should be seated on my throne by the power of those very armies which ravaged our territory, would in vain attempt to supiwrt himself with the principles of feudal law: he would not be able to recover the honour and the rights of more than a small number of individuals, enemies of the people who, for twenty-five years, have condemned them in all our national assemblies. Your tranquillity at home, and your consequence abroad, would be lost for ever.
Frenchmen! In my exile I heard your complaints and your wishes: you demanded that government of your choice which alone was legitimate. You accused my long slumber; you reproached me for sacrificing to my repose the great interests of the country.
1 have crossed the seas in the midst of dangers of every kind: I arrive amongst you to resume my rights which are your's. All that individuals havedone, written, or said, since the capture of Paris, I will be for ever ignorant of: it shall not at all influence the recollections which I preserve of the important services which they have performed. There are circumstances of such a nature as to be above human organization.
Frenchmen! There is no nation, however small it may be, which has not had the right, and which may not withdraw itself from the disgrace of obeying a Prince imposed on it by an enemy momentarily victorious. When Charles VII. re-entered Paris, and overthrew the ephemeral throne of Henry V.; he acknowledged that he held his throne froni the valour of ills heroes, and not from a Prince Regent of England.
It is thus that to you alone, and to the brave men of the army, I account it, and shall always account it, my glory to owe every thing.
By the Emperor.
functions of Major-General of
the Grand Army.
(Signed) Count Bertrand.
Note from the King of Saxony to the Allied Powers.
"The King of Saxony has seen with the deepest affliction, in the documents which Princes Metternieh and Talleyrand and the Duke of Wellington were charged to communicate to him, the determination which the five Powers have come to with regard to the fate of Saxony.
"Without any other principle but th.it of convenience, and without any regard to tiie internal relations of the nation, a line has been traced across the country, which would at once tear from it two-lifths of its population, and more than one half of its territorial extent, as well as the means indispensable for the subsistence
of what shall remain to the King.
"It is to such sacrifices that the King has heen invited to give his assent, while it is added, that no negociation will be entered into as to accessary points, until his Majesty shall have categorically declared himself on the terlitorial cession.
"His Majesty can by no means acknowledge the validity of these arrangements, made without the presence and assent of his Plenipotentiary. The King having recovered his liberty, there is no longer any obstacle to treating with him; his rights cannot be pronounced upon without his consent, and he cannot admit that his states should be considered and retained as conquered countries. Drawn on by the force of circumstances, and by the obligations which he was under the necessity of contracting in a war which he had neither provoked nor declared, the King took no part in it but as an auxiliary; it did not depend on his Majesty, either at the commencement, or during the progress of the grand contest, to join the cause of the Allies, however sincere his wish to that effect, manifested in an unequivocal manner, and latterly, by a formal application addressed to the Allied Sovereigns. The Saxon nation, full of confidence in the coalesced Powers, has made every effort, and endured ^with resignation all the sacrifices which have been exacted of it. The right of conquest would not, therefore, apply either against the King or his people, even though the Allies had not proclaimed, as they have done, Iwt their efforts were exclusively
directed against usurpation, and that they were far removed from every idea of conquest.
"His Majesty having only in view the good of his people, and sincerely desirous of seeing his old relations of peace and good understanding re-established with all the Courts of Europe, flatters himself that the five Powers will be pleased to pay regard to his representations, and that they will lay to heart his interest and those of his states. He again claims the admission of his Plenipotentiary to the Congress, in order to treat with the Ministers of the Allied Powers.
"His Majestylikewiserequests, that the Provisional Government of Saxony may be enjoined to suspend all measures which bear relation to the projected partition.
"The King, in fine, accept*, with profound sensibility, the offer of the mediation of the august Sovereigns who have hitherto interested themselves in his favour; and the conviction which his Majesty feels of his rights, and of the equity of his claims, convinces him that these monarchs will in future grant him without restriction their powerful support.
"The undersigned Cabinet Minister and Secretary of State, fulfils the pleaswe of the King in transmitting to their Excellencies this note, begging that they will be pleased to submit it to thehaugust Sovereigns, as well as to the Committee, and to accompany it with their good offices. Presburgh, March 11, 1815."
Art. 3. The High Contracting Parties reciprocally engage not to lay down their arms but by common consent, nor before the object of the war, designated in the first article of the present Treaty, shall have been attained; nor until Buonaparte shall have been rendered absolutely unable to create disturbance, and to renew his attempts for possessing himself of the supreme power in France.
Art. 4. The present Treaty being principally applicable to the present circumstances, the stipulations of the Treaty of Chauinont, and particularly those contained in the sixteenth article of the same; shall be again in force, as soon as the object actually in view shall have been attained.
Art. 5. Whatever relates to the command of the combined armies, to supplies, &c. shall be regulated by a particular Convention.
Art. 6. The High Contracting Parties shall be allowed respectively to accredit to the Generals commanding their armies, Officers, who shall have the liberty of corresponding with their Governments, for the purpose of giving information of military events, and of every thing relating to the operations of the
Art. 7. The engagements entered into by the present Treaty, having for their object the maintenance of the general peace, the High Contracting Parties agree to invite all the Powers of Europe to accede to the same.
Art. 8. The present Treaty having no other end in view but to support France or any other country which may be invaded,
against the enterprizes of Buonaparte and his adherents, his most Christian Majesty shall be specially invited to accede hereunto; and, in the event of his Majesty's requiring the forces stipulated in the second article, to make known what assistance circumstances will allow him to bring forward in furtherance of the object of the present Treaty.
As circumstances might prevent his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland from keeping constantly in the field the number of troops specified in the 2d Article, it is agreed that his Britannic Majesty shall have the option, either of furnishing his contingent in men, or of paying at the rate of thirty pounds sterling per annum for each cavalry soldier, and twenty pounds per annum for each infantry soldier, that may be wanting to complete the number stipulated in the 2d Article.
Foreign Office, April 25,1815. The Treaty of which the substance is above given, has been ordered to be ratified, and it has been notified on the part of the Prince Regent to the High Contracting Parties, that it is his Royal Highness's determination, acting in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, to direct the said ratifications to be exchanged in due course, against similar acts on the part of the respective powers, under an explanatory declaration of the following tenour as to Article 8, of the said Treaty :—
The undersigned, on the exchange of the Ratification of the Treaty of the 25th of March last, on the part of his Court, is hereby commanded to declare, that the 8th article of the said Treaty, •wherein his most Christian Majesty is invited to accede, under certain stipulations, is to be understood as binding the Contracting Parlies, upon the principles of mutual security, to a common effort against the power of Napoleon Buonaparte, in pursuance of the ,Sd article of the said Treaty; but is not to be understood as binding his Britannic Majesty to prosecute the war, with a view of imposing upon France any particular government.
However solicitous the Prince Regent must be to see his most Christian Majesty restored to the throne, and however anxious he is to contribute in conjunction -with his allies, to so auspicious an event, he nevertheless deems him*elf called upon to make this declaration, on the exchange of the ratifications, as well in consideration of what Is due to his most Christian Majesty's interests in France, as in conformity to the principles upon which the British Government has invariably regulated its conduct.
Referring to the preceding Deda* ration. The undersigned Minister of State and of Foreign Affairs of his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, having informed his august master of the communication made to him by Lord Castlereagh, reVol. LVII.
specting the 8th Article of the Treaty of the 25th of March last, has received orders to declare, that the interpretation given to that article by the British Government is entirely conformable to .the principles by which his Imperial Majesty proposes to regulate his policy during the present war. The Emperor, although irrevocably resolved to direct all his efforts against the usurpation of Napoleon Buonaparte, as that object is expressed in the 3d Article, and to act in that respect in the most perfect concert with his allies, is nevertheless convinced, that the duty imposed upon him by the interest of his subjects, as well as the principles by which he is guided, would not permit him to engage to prosecute the war for the purpose of imposing a form of government on France.
Whatever wishes his Majesty the Emperor may form, to see his most Christian Majesty replaced upon the throne, and whatever may be his constant solicitude, to contribute, conjointly with his allies, to the attainment of sodesirable an object; .his Majesty lias nevertheless thought it right to answer by this explanation, the declaration which his Excellency Lord Castlereagh has transmitted on the exchange of the ratification, and which the undersigned on his part is fully authorised to accept. Metternich.
Vienna, May 9, 1S15.
Proclamation of the King of Naples: Rimini, March 31, 1815.
Italians !—The moment is come when great destinies may be ac
2 B coniplished. complished. Providence calls you at last, to be an independent people. One cry echoes from the Alps to the Strait of Seylla— the independence of Italy. What right have strangers to rob you of independence, the first right and blessing of all people? What light have they to reign in your fertile plains, and to appropriate to themselves your wealth, for the purpose of transporting it to countries where it tlid not originate? Whatright have they to carry off your sons, to make them serve, languish, and die, far from the tombs of your fathers? Is it that nature has in vain given you the Alps for a bulwark, and the invincible discrepancy of your character, a barrier still more insurmountable? No! no! let every foreign domination disappear from the soil of Italy.
Formerly masters of the world, you have expiated that fatal glory by a servitude of 20 centuries.— Let it now be your glory to have masters no longer. Every people must keep within the limits fixed to it by nature: the sea and inaccessible mountains,—these are your frontiers. Never think of passing then*; but expel the foreigner who passes them, and force him to confine himself within his own. E:ghty thousand Italians at Naples hasten to you under the command of their King; they swear never to rest until Italy be free; and they have proved moi e than once, that they know how to keep their oaths.
Italians of all countries!—Second their magnanimous efforts. Let those who have borne arms resume them; let the raw youth aceustim themselves to handle
them j let all citizens, friends of their country, raise a generous voice for liberty j let the whole force of the nation be drawn forth in all its energy, and in every form. The question to be decided is, whether Italy shall be free, or shall remain for ages bent under the yoke of slavery. Let the struggle be decisive, and we shall have established to a distant period the happiness of our fine country,—that country, which though still torn and bleeding, is full of ardour and strength to conquer its independence. The enlightened men of all countries, the nations which are worthy of a liberal government, the Princes who are distinguished by the greatness of their character, will rejoice in your enterprise, will applaud your triumphs. England, —can she refuse you her 9uflrage? —that nation which holds out to all others the model of a national and constitutional government; that free people, whose finest title to glory is to have shed its blood and treasures for the independence and liberty of nations!
Italians !—Having long invited and urged us by your wishes, you M ere surprised at our inaction; but the propitious moment was not come; 1 had not yet received proofs of the perfidy of your enemies. It was necessary that you should be convinced by recent experience, how false was the liberality of your present masters, how deceitful and lying their promises. Fatal and d». plorable experience! I call you to witness, brave and unfortunate Italians of Milan, Bologna, Turin, Venice, Brescia, Mndena, Reggio, and so many other famous cities,