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it hfttfnbecri- entered upon two months J*boher, ivc should have met-the American Commissioners instructed to insist on points which we had declared we could nCv?r accede to-; the delay therefore could not be considered as an improvident one.

Earl Stanhope, in supporting the motion,, begged leave to remind their Lordships, that before the breaking out of this war he had submitted to the bouse a motion for declaring a reciprocity of rights among all maritime nations. This had met with no support; but he was happy now to find that the noble Earl had expressly declared that this country had no other maritime rights than what belonged equally to all other nations.

The Marquis's motion was negatived by 83 votes against 30.

Notice has been taken taken of some parliamentary proceedings at an earlier period, relative to the transfer of Genoa to the king of Sardinia, which were intermitted on account of the assertion of ministers, that the time was not _\et come for giving the necessary explanations on the subject. Some public papers having afterwards been laid before parliament relative to this topic, the Marquis of Buckingham on April 25th rose to make a motion on the subject. He began with affirming that the statement of the case which he had before made upon other information was fully confirmed by the papers produced. He then gave a general sketch of the whole proceedings, introductory to a set of resolu~ tions which be moved, and which contained all the particulars. The

substance of these was, 1. That. earl Bathurst did, by a letter dated Dec.28, 1813, instruct lord William Bentinck to encourage any dispositions in the Geuoese to rise against the French government, and, if it were clearly with their concurrence, to take possession of Genoa in the name and on the behalf of his Sardinian Majesty. 2. That in pursuance of those instructions, in March 1814, his lordship disembarked with th<r Uritish forces at Leghorn, and issued a proclamation calling upon the Italians to vindicate their own rights and be free. 3. That in April the Genoese having materially contributed to oblige the French garrison to surrender the city, lord W. Bentinck entered Genoa, and issued a proclamation of the following tenor: "Considering that the general desire of tlte Genoese nation seems to be to return to that ancient form of government under which it enjoyed liberty, prosperity, and independence, and considering likewise that this desire seems to be conformable to the principles recognized by the h'gh allied powers of restoring to all their ancient rights and privileges, I declare, that the constitution of the Genoese States, such as it existed in 1197, with such modifications as the generalwish, the public good, and the spirit of the original constitution of 1576 seem to require, is re-etablished. (Two articles follow organizing a provisional government ) 4. That in a letter to lord Castlere&L'h, lord W. Bentinck represented that the Genoese uuiversally desired the restoration of their ancient republic

lie, and that they dreaded above all other, arrangements their annexation,to Piedmont. 5. That it -does not - appear that any subsequent dispatch or instruction :'r>jxn the ministers did convey to. iurd W. Bentinck the opinion that he had exceeded his powers in issuing.the said proclamation, and that it had never been publicly disavowed. G. That in May a: forcible representation was made -to lord Castlereagh by M. l';ireto. minister plenipotentiary of the government of Genoa, of the continued desire of the Genoese to return to their ancieat government, and of their t >ahdent reliance on the assurances, given them by the commander of the British forces. 7That similar representations were repeatedly submitted to his Majesty's government, more particularly in a protest against any resolutions that might be taken contrary to the rights and independence of Genoa laid before the Congress at Vienna in December IS14. 8. That notwithstanding these remonstrances, and in violation of the solemn engagements contracted by lord W. Bentinck on the part of the British government with the Genoese people, lord Castlerengh had instructed lieutenant-general Dulrymple, commanding the British forces in Genoa, to take the necessary measures for delivering over the same to the king of Sardinia. 9. That the government of Genoa was delivered accordingly to the officer of his Sardinian Majesty, and this transfer was secured and enforced by the continued occupation of that city by a British force. 10. That the con

duct of his Majesty's government in thus availing itself of the occupation of the Genoese territory, in order to make a compulsory tranfer thereof to a foreign power, was not only a violation of the promises held out in. lord W. Bentinck's declaration of March 14th, and of the implied engagement by which the British troops were received, but a manifest breach of the public faith expressly pledged to that republic, by his Majesty's general, and was also wholly repugnant to those general principles of policy and justice which it was equally the interest and duty of this country to uphold in all the discussions respecting a final settlement of the affairs of Europe."

The first resolution being moved, Earl Bathurst rose for the purpose of clearing away the charge of ill faith brought against this country. In his statement of facts he said, that the instructions of December 1813, which had been quoted as encouraging the Italians to insurrection, merely said, Rise, and we, on receiving information of it, will assist you- Italy was completely under the domination of the enemy. Lord Bentinck in 1814 regularly attacked Genoa like any other fortress : the outworks were carried, and a bombardment was prepared, when the Genoese had yet never stirred. Now, indeed, a deputation of citizens came out with some French officers, begging an armistice -, this was their first movement. What did they to expel the French? Nothing. Lord W. Bentinck denominated taking the, city a conquest. The people were undoubtedly hostile to the

[C 2] French, French, but they did nothing for the allies. As to the offer of freedom, it was well known that a British general could make no political arrangement without an instruction, and he had no such instruction. The original instructions contemplated a case of insurrection, which did not exist, and the case not existing, the instructions had no force. In the meantime came lord Castlereagh's instructions, which positively directed that no definitive arrangement should be entered into, but for Tuscany, and the king of Sardinia's territory, which were the only states to be restored to their old governments. A proof that ti\c Genoese did not consider the arrangement as final, was that they prayed a confirmation of it from Lord Castlereagh. His lordship, in his instructions to Lord W.Bentinck, expressly desired him, if it had been underStood by the Genoese that his proclamation pledged this gotemment to the rc-cstablishment of their republic, to explain our real intentions to thcrn; and requested him to avoid alluding to the ancient form of their government in terms which might cause their disappointment should the future arrangement be different from that form. ' The Genoese themselves did not consider the provisional government as permanent, for they sent a representative to the Congress, not merely with a view of remonstrating against an annexation to Piedmont, but to know on what condition they wer» to be annexed. Such were the principal arguments by which this minister endeavoured to do away the im

pression which the preceding resolutions might have made.'

The Earl ofHarrowby, in his additional vindication of the transfer of Genoa, said, that in 1797 the Genoese placed themselves under the protection of France, and that in 1805 they sent a formal deputation petitioning that their country might become ft par t of the French territory:" tlJere coyld not, therefore, be a ease in which all the prerogatives of the jus dominii were more strictly applicable. He also quoted Mr. Pitt's opinion, that it was desirable that Genoa should be annexed to Piedmont, as consti-t' tuting by their union the best bulwark that could be establish^ ed for the defence of the Italian frontier.

The Earl of Liverpool brought to the assistance of his colleagues one argument, which was undoubtedly founded on the real fact. He said, that all that lord VV. Ben^ tinck could do was to establish a provisional government, and Great Britain could do no more, shire there wns a combined collect I between her and her allies. and wc could not make conquests except in their name. The allies alone could decide the fate of Genoa.

Several lords on the other side spoke in favour of the resolutions, but it was difficult to add any thing to their force. On a division there appeared for the motion 39; against it 111.

The same subject was brought before the House of Commons on April 27th in a motion for similar resolutions, introduced by Sir James Mackintosh which was negatived by 171 votes to «0.

It It lias been remarked, in the account of a former debate, that no doubt could really exist of the determination of government to join with the allies in a war against Buonaparte. This, however, was a measure of such serious consequence, that many hesitated to concur in it without fuller proof of its political necessity; and some felt considerable doubts as to the moral justice of drawing the sword to compel a nation to discard a ruler whom it had with apparent consent adopted. Under the impression of these feelings, Mr. H'hitbread, on April 28th, rose to make a motion for an address to the Prince Regent. As his speech, and those of the members on each side who joined in the debate, consisted chieily in the recapitulation of matter already brought into discussion, a very concise account of the result will be here sufficient. The Hon. gentleman began by commenting upon the gross delusion practised on the public by the ministers in taking no notice of the treaty between the allies signed at Vienna, on March 25th, of which they had received an account on April 5th, when the Regent's message was brought down on the 6th, and taken into consideration on the 7th, by which suppression they had held forth the possibility of an alternative between peace and war, whilst in fact they had engaged themselves to the latter. He. then made some severe aninufdversiujis ou the declaration of

the allies, by which one individual was placed out of the pale of civil society, and endeavoured to show that there was neither justice nor'' policy in making him the object of a war. He concluded by moving, "That an humble address be presented to the Prince Regent to intreat his Royal Highness, that he will be pleased to take such measures as may be necessary to prevent this country being involved in war on the ground of the executive power being vested in any particular person."

Lord Castlereagh, in opposition to the motion, beg^n with de^ fending the conduct of govern-, ment with respect to the charge of concealment, by saying, thut he was unwilling, by a premature disclosure of a treaty of which the ratifications had not been exchanged, to prevent a re-consideration of the policy to be pursued towards France under the circumstances which had recently occurred. He then attempted at length to invalidate all the reasons for placing a confidence in Buonaparte's future conduct which had been adduced by the mover, and expressed a decided opinion of the necessity as well as the justice of dispossessing him of power. The debate, in which many members partook, not without considerable asperity, ended in a division, in which the numbers for the motion were 72; against it 273.

CHAPTER ON April 14, Mr. Tierney rose to move for an inquiry into the excesses of the civil list. He said, there had been such .an enormity in the expenditure in that department, and such an inefficiency in all committees hitherto appointed for an inquiry on the subject, that unless a new one should be nominated with extraordinary powers, there would be an end to every thing like control over the royal expediture. He then stated, that since 1812, parliament had provided, for the purpose of squaring the civil list accounts, the sum of 2,827,0001. In 1812 there was a sort of recognition of the expenditure of a further sum of 124,0001.; but instead of this excedent, which' might be said to be sanctioned by parliament, the actual excedent in the last two years and three quarters had been 321,0O0l. The total of the sums of the parliamentary estimates, and the exeedents connived at by parliament, amounted to 3,290,0001. which was the whole entitled to be expended in two years and three quarters; but the charge during that period was no less than 4,108,0001. being an cxccssbcyond

CHAPTER III.

Mr'. Ticrnry's Motion on the Civil List.Renewal of the Property Tax.

Foreign Slave-trade Bill.BUI for preventing the illicit Importation of

Slaves.-Motion for a Committee on the Catholic Question.Prince

Regent's Message concerning the Treaties with the Mied Powers.

; j 'Lord Castlereagh's Motion respecting Subsidies.

the allowance of 809,0(01. The excess was actually greater, for lou.OOOl. hod been votetl to bis Itoyal Highness for an outfit. It appeared therefore that his Royal Highness, in less than two years and three quarters, had expended above 900,0001. beyond his allowance, and that, after being allowed to exceed it by 124,0001. The next point wus to sliow that the civil list, for a length of time, had been in the practice of a yearly encroachment above the parliamentary allowance. In no one case of an average of years bad it been attempted to keep within reasonable bounds. The knowledge of this had generally been kept from parliament till it was become necessary to have the civil list debt paid off; a principal means of effecting which, was the leaving of the droits of admiralty at the disposal of the crown. Three committees had been appointed in different years to inquire into the civil list expenditure, the. last of them in 1804, and they all suggested the propriety of a new estimate, that parliament might know to what extent the liberality of the public could go, la Jlr. Pitt's time an estimate

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