its application to the whole king dom. They say, that having already acknowledged that the constitution must undergo some modifications and additions, all the differences between the sovereign and the nation have ceased to exist, both parties being agreed upon the principle. In consequence, they notify the appointment of commissioners on their part to negociate with those nominated by the king. This address produced another royal rescript dated Nov. 29th, in which it is hinted that some errɔneous and forced interpretations had been given to several of the principles declared in the former rescript, particularly with respect to the new states, but that they shall not retard the negociations for a final accommodation; and a nomination is then made of the royal commissioners. The result of the whole seems to be, that the States have gained their point of rendering the ancient constitution of Wurtemburg the basis of its future government,

It was mentioned in the narrative of the last year, that although Prussia, by a provisional occupation, had got the whole of Saxony within her grasp, the fate of that unfortunate country was not yet decided. In the beginning of March a note was transmitted from the King of Saxony to the ministers of the allied powers at Vienna,which began with expressing the deep affliction he had felt on perusing the documents communicated to him by the Princes Talleyrand and Metternich, and the Duke of Wellington, announcing the determination of the five powers relative to Saxony. He proceeds to say, "Without any other

principle than that of convenience, and without any regard to the internal relations of the nation, a line has been traced across the country which would at once tear from it two-fifths of its population, and more than one half of its territorial extent, as well as the means indispensible for the subsistence of what shall remain to the King. It is to such sacrifices that the King has been invited to give his assent, while it is added, that no negociation will be entered into as to accessary points, until his Majesty shall have categorically declared himself on the territorial cession." The King then argues against pronouncing upon his rights without his consent, and retaining his states as conquered countries; and he claims the admission of his plenipotentiary to the congress in order to treat with the allied powers.

That the dissatisfaction of the King was participated by the pecple, subjected to a government to which they had an extreme repugnance, was rendered evident by a proclamation issued at Dresden on April 12th, by which every person who, either in words or deeds, manifested an attachment to Napoleon Buonaparte, or his interests, was ordered to be apprehended and delivered to the office of police for the investigation of the charge, and corresponding punishment. A more dccisive proof of the existence of such feelings among the Saxons was given by a serious mutiny in the troops of that nation at Liege in the beginning of May. It commenced from an intended division of them into such as were natives of the part ceded to Prussia, and

of

of the part remaining to the King. A battalion of grenadiers of the guard and a regiment of grenadiers of the line, who had for some time exhibited a disorderly spirit, on the hearing of this intention, broke out into open mutiny, and attempted to force their way into Prince Blucher's hotel, but were prevented by the centinels. This state of mutiny continued for three days, when it was suppressed by the arrival of some Prussian troops. The guilty bat talion and regiment were disarmed, the latter was disbanded, seven of the most criminal of the mutineers shot, and others were condemned to perpetual imprisonment. The other Saxon corps quartered in those districts are said to have expressed indignation at the conduct of their countrymen, and their behaviour was praised in a proclamation issued by Prince Blucher on the occasion.

This incident perhaps hastened an event which might before have been with certainty predicted; that of the final submission of the King of Saxony to the conditions imposed on him. A treaty between him and the King of Prussia was ratified on May 21st, by which the cessions to the latter were marked out, together with the conditions under which they were made. The acquisitions of Prussia are in a general way expressed in the titles assumed by the King on account of them: these are, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia, Margrave of both Lusatias, and Count of Henneberg. The King of Prussia at the same time published a proclamation to the

people of Prussian Saxony, in which, announcing their union to his crown, he says, "The general agreement of the powers assembled in congress has assigned me your country, subjected by the fate of war, by way of indemnity for the loss which has on one side diminished the circuit of the states guaranteed to me." It will therefore never be a matter of question by what tenure this part of the Prussian dominions is held. The King of Saxony also issued from Dresden a valedictory address to the same portion of his former subjects, in which he excused the cession, as the only condition by which he could obtain the restoration of the rest of his hereditary states, The following lines must touch every reader capable of feeling the simple pathetic. "All my efforts to avert so painful a sacrifice have been in vain. I must part from you, and the bonds which your fidelity and attachment to my person have rendered so dear to me, the bonds which have formed for ages the happiness of my house, and of your ancestors, must be broken." Such has been the fate of that sovereign who had the misfortune of being the last of those who in the same year supported the cause of the French emperor !

The new kingdom of Hanover, though safe in its main interests under the powerful protection of Great Britain, partook, during the greatest part of the year, of the unsettled condition prevailing throughout Germany, whilst waiting the final determinations of the Congress at Vienna. Of its intermediate state a view may be

obtained

obtained from the speech of the ministerCount Munster, to the assembled states-general on Oct. 18th. He observed, that although the establishment of the civil rights of Germany had not been yet accomplished, yet it might tranquilize the Hanoverians that the Prince Regent had shewn, both by the whole of his administration, and by the votes of his plenipotentiaries at Vienna, that he was warmly attached to the cause of German freedom. He took notice of the enlargement, and the improved rounding, of the kingdom, which, though occasioning some painful cessions, was rendered necessary by the agreement of the greater powers respecting the reconstruction of their states. Proceeding to the interior af fairs of the country, he remarked that the union of new provinces rendering it necessary to examine their several situations and circumstances, no definitive resolutions relative to taxation and the other parts of administration could be taken in the present session. The Prince Regent, he said, did not intend to give the country a new constitution: he would hold sacred the original rights of the states, but several modifications would be necessary in the exercise of those rights. In particular, the finances would require an uniform and firm administration, uniting all the parts under one general system. With respect to the debts contracted during the French occupation, though his Royal Highness could not allow the right of the states to bind posterity by debts contracted without consent of the Sovereign, yet he thought it advisable that they

should be recognized under certain modifications. With respect to exemptions from taxation, the public voice had declared so decisively against them, that it might not be proper to restablish them. The minister finally announced that the Prince Regent, when the new provinces were incorporated, would cause a plan to be drawn up for the representation of the whole kingdom, and for a central board of taxation.

The King of Prussia, who has been mentioned as bringing to effect the determination of his associated colleagues relative to the portion of Saxony assigned to him, about the same time reentered into the possession of his former Polish provinces. He issued from Vienna, on May 15th, a proclamation addressed to the inhabitants of the Grand Duchy of Posen, announcing the restoration to their original state, of those parts of the late Duchy of Warsaw which had belonged to Prussia. He also gave them an insight into their future political condition, as well as into that of his other subjects. "You are incorporated (he said) with my monarchy, but without being obliged to renounce your nationality. You will participate in the constitution which I intend to give my faithful subjects, and you will have a provisional constitution, like the other provinces of my kingdom. Your religion shall be maintained, and a suitable dotation be assigned to its servants. Your personal rights and your property shall return under the protection of the laws, upon which you will also be called in future to deliberate.

Your

Your language shall be used with the German in all public transactions; and every one of you, according to his abilities, shall be eligible to public employments in the Grand Duchy, and to all the offices, honours, and dignities, of my kingdom." A proclamation of the same date was addressed by the King to the inhabitants of the city and territory of Dantzic, the circle of Culm and Michelau, the town of Thorn and its territory, informing them of their restoration to their ancient connections, and of their intended paticipation in the constitution planned for all his Majesty's subjects in the provincial government of West Prussia.

A royal decree published on May 25th, laid before the Prussian nation the plan of that representation of the people which was to be the basis of the future constitution of the monarchy. The following were its principal provisions: The provincial assemblies, where still existing, are to be reestablished and modelled according the exigencies of the time; and where at present there are no such assemblies, they are to be introduced. From these, the assembly of representatives of the kingdom is to be formed, which is to sit at Berlin, and the functions of which are to extend to deliberating upon all those objects of legislation which concern the personal rights of citizens, and their property, including taxation. A committee is to be formed at Berlin, of officers of state, and inhabitants of the provinces, nominated and presided over by the chancellor, for the purpose of organizing the provincial assemblies and the national representa

tion, and framing a constitution according to the principles laid down, which is to meet on the 1st of September ensuing. If in this declaration of the royal will the rudiments of a free government can be discerned, it must be acknowledged that a great number of essential points are left wholly indeterminate, and that the sovereign has bound himself to nothing which might not as readily be made an instrument, as a check, of regal authority.

A statement of the intended organization of the Prussian monarchy, given as authentic in a German paper, certainly bears an appearance more resembling that of a military government, than of one in which it is intended to afford much scope to the operation of the popular will. According to this plan, the whole monarchy is to be portioned into five military divisions, ten provinces, and twenty-five circles. Each division, comprehending two provinces, and averaging two million of inhabitants, is to have at its head a general in chief. Every province is to be administered by a high president, having under his special direction ecclesiastical affairs and public education, medical police, the common concerns of the province, and certain military matters. An annexed table of territorial divisions, with their capitals, is at least a good geographical document of the present Prussian dominions, whatever may be the event of the preceding plan. It is as follows: East Prussia, chief town, Konigsberg; West Prussia, Dantzic; Posen, Posen; Silesia, Breslau; Brandenburgh, Berlin; Pomera

nia (recently ceded by Sweden), Stettin; Saxony, Magdeburg; Munster, Munster; Grand Duchy of the Lower Rhine, Cologne; Cleves and Berg, Dusseldorf.

In order to secure the external and internal tranquillity of Germany, and the independence of its different states, a solemn act of confederation was signed at Vienna on June 8th, between the sovereign princes and free cities, including the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia, for those of their possessions which formerly belonged to the German empire; the King of Denmark, for Holstein; and the King of the Netherlands, for the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg. By this act the affairs of the Confederation are to be managed by a general assembly or diet, in which all the members are to be represented by their plenipotentiaries, either singly possessing a vote, or several joining to form one vote, the whole number of votes being 17. The presidency is given to Austria; the place of meeting is to be Frankfort on the Maine. Each member of the Confederation engages to assist in protecting not only all Germany, but every separate state of the league, against any attack, and reciprocally to guarantee to each other the whole of their possessions included within the Confederation. They also bind themselves to enter into no treaties hostile to the Confederation, and not to make war upon one another upon any pretext, but to submit their differences to the de

cision of the Diet. It is further agreed, that in all the states of the Confederation a constitutional assembly of states-general shall be established; and that diversity of Christian faith shall occasion no difference in respect of civil and political rights. The Diet is also to take into consideration the mode by which the condition of professors of the Jewish reli gion may be meliorated. They likewise assure to the subjects of the confederate states the possession of landed property out of the state in which they reside, without being subject to greater charges than the natives; the right of free emigration from one state to another which shall consent to receive them; and that of entering into the civil and military service of such confederate state; both those rights, however, on the supposition that they lie under no previous obligation of military service in their native country. The Diet, at its first meeting, is to occupy itself with the framing of uniform regulations relative to the freedom of the press, and the security of authors and publishers from oppression.

It will be remarked with satisfaction, that the general tenor of these articles affords proof of a great advance of liberal principles in this important part of Europe; and if the confederacy remain firm in its union, it must be a powerful preservative against the renewal of those internal wars by which Germany has so often been desolated.

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