it had not been desperate enough to do before. There can be no comparison between the groundlessness and folly of nullification and the salutary and proper purposes of the "Alien and Sedition Laws." The opposition to them at the outset was factious and mean, and since it has been factious and foolish. For the last fifty years, few of those who have cried "Alien and Sedition Laws" have, perhaps, understood their character, or known the desperate necessity on which they were founded.

All of the rest of the Union opposed the nullification action of South Carolina, and some of the States favored no tariff, most of them favored a reduction, some of them opposed any reduction, and were unwilling to treat with or pamper as pirit so dangerous as to give rise to nullification, and, more ridiculous than any other State, Virginia wanted to appear as a mediator between the Government and the rebellious State. South Carolina, in an authoritative and formal way called General Jackson a usurper and a. tyrant, and this so aroused the "bull-dog" in him that he meditated making characteristic examples of some of the nullifiers. No man could call General Jackson names with impunity. At all events, the experiment was dangerous. Nothing that Jackson ever did added justly so much to his political fame as this Proclamation and his opposition to nullification.

CHAPTER XXX.

ELECTORAL COUNT-PRESIDENT JACKSON'S SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS-HARVARD MAKES ANOTHER LL. D.

A

NOTHER exciting Presidential election had re

sulted in a conquest for the Hero of New Orleans. He had put his greatest enemy under his feet. To do this it was not necessary to hurl at him the old exploded charge of "bargain and corruption," but even this he had not neglected. His adversaries, however, had no conscientious qualms, and his conduct of public and private matters since he had been a resident of the White House gave them a rich, new field, which they explored with vigor.

He was held up as the man who had positively led the people to think that he was unalterably opposed to a second term, and now he had ignored all his promises and pretensions on this point. He had even proceeded, through the machinations of his "Kitchen Cabinet," to have his re-election made to appear as a necessity before his first term was half gone, and had set willing instruments in Tennessee to crying this necessity to the country. He had opposed the appointment of Congressmen to places in the control of the President, and at once had taken from Congress four members of his Cabinet, and had, in the first six months, appointed more Congressmen to office, all taken together, than had been done from the formation of the Govern

.

ment to the time of his own Administration. Instead of reforming the public Administration, it had for the first time been prostituted, throughout the entire country, to party and personal purposes, and at greatly increased expense and loss to the people. Instead of being the head of the Nation, as he had proclaimed that he ought to be, he had turned the wealth and vast machinery of the Government to advancing the interest of his friends. His hostility to the Bank of the United States was ruining the country. And finally, they said that his partisan preferences, bad temper, intolerance, and support of bullying and corruption had spread immorality and viciousness throughout the country, and established rudeness, corruption, and insecurity in the halls of Congress. This was a deep-dyed catalogue, indeed. But the hickory poles were raised, the roosters crowed, and the people shouted "Hurrah for Jackson," all the same, and when the votes came to be counted, Mr. Clay was farther from the Presidency than he ever had been.

In the course of the hot debates in the winter of 1832, or about this time, William L. Marcy gave utterance to the sentiment, which was held up as a natural outbirth of the era of political corruption now introduced, that the politicians of New York "saw nothing wrong in the rule, that to the victors belong the spoils of the enemy." It has been said of Mr. Marcy that this evil utterance, throwing aside the virtue of principle or integrity in the administration of public affairs, was the only one he ever made which will live. Are the evil deeds and sayings of men more prolific and longer lived than their good ones? However doubtful this may be, as a general principle, Mr. Marcy's

sentiment had already been introduced by General Jackson, and from that day to this the vile principle has been, to a great extent, the practice of the party in power whatever its general political character.

In the election of 1832, all the States gave popular votes except South Carolina. In Alabama there was no Clay or Wirt ticket in the field, and hence there was no vote cast in that State against General Jackson. On the 13th of February, 1833, the electoral votes were counted in joint session of the two branches of Congress, in the Hall of the House. Of the 288 votes,

For the Presidency. In Maryland there were two vacancies.

Mr. Wilkins got his votes from the Jackson men of Pennsylvania, who would not support Van Buren; the Legislature of South Carolina cast the vote of that State, and, of course, was expected to do some characteristic thing, which was effected in giving the distinction of her eleven votes to Floyd and Lee; and Vermont made an everlasting mark for herself in the Electoral College by casting her seven votes for Wirt and Ellmaker, against Free Masonry.

The States whose electoral votes were given to

General Jackson were Alabama, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Louisiana, Maine, Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and Virginia. Maryland also gave him three of her eleven electoral votes, but Mr. Clay had a majority of four votes at the polls in that State. The electoral votes of Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Delaware, and Kentucky were cast for Mr. Clay. Maryland also gave him five of the eight votes which she cast.

The popular vote for Mr. Clay was 530,189, while that for General Jackson, with his enormous electoral vote, was only 157,313 more. Mr. Wirt received over 33,000 votes at the polls.

At 12 o'clock on the 4th of March, 1833, the President, and Vice-President elect, entered the House of Representatives. With them were Cabinet ministers, ministers of foreign governments, judges of the Supreme Court, Senators, and members of the House. A vast concourse of people, citizens and strangers, had assembled to see the second inauguration of Andrew Jackson as President. The President took the chair of the Speaker, and Mr. Van Buren sat on his left, and Donelson, his secretary, on his right. The President rose, and after the cheers of the assembly had subsided, read his inaugural address in a good, audible tone. He was again cheered. The Chief Justice then administered the oath of office to him.

The following is his

SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

March 4, 1833.

FELLOW-CITIZENS,-The will of the American people, expressed through their unsolicited suffrages, calls me before you to