CHAP. I. 8. Many opulent Catholics are fully Willingness of sensible of the destitute state of their community lics to contri- in these respects, and of the public advantages opulent Catho bute. which would result from an amelioration. They are willing to contribute liberally for this purpose, by donations and bequests; and, perhaps, to a larger amount than is generally imagined. Public benefit Few of all the plans, upon which public edifices couragement are erected, or legislative encouragement afforded, in Ireland, would tend more to improve, of affording en in this respect. Just claims of lic support. 1 and even embellish, this country, than that of raising a multitude of such Structures throughout Ireland, suited to the exigencies of the People, supported by their gratitude, and providing accommodation for their public instruction, their poor, and the celebration of the rites of the national Religion. The general deficiency of Ireland, in this particular, has been a subject of surprize and regret to every stranger, who has cast his eyes over the face of this country. The cause is now manifest. That the Catholics are well entitled, upon every e-principle of public policy and justice, to claim a share, and a large share, of the public revenue of Ireland, for the decent maintenance of their Pastors, houses of worship, schools, and other charitable objects, is a proposition pretty clear to the eye of reason: their numbers, industry, and im Injustice of this prohibi portance, the vast aids they afford to the state, CHAP. I. and the national advantages and expediency of. the measure itself, must silence every doubt upon the subject. Yet they are not only precluded from their just share of support, (for we cannot stoop to notice the miserable pittance which annually insults the Maynooth establishment) but they are denied the permission to defray those charges out of their own means, and to secure the due and permanent appropriation of their money towards the fulfilment of their benevolent intentions. of the Irish 9. No liberal mind can review the Narrow policy conduct of the Irish Legislature, in this particular, Legislature. without extreme disgust. Altogether, it exhibits the narrowest policy, the grossest abuse of power, the most stupid neglect of an interesting public duty. We see them, habitually, regardless of the great trust of honestly superintending the most awful public institutions-adverse to every measure for providing or permitting any support for the national form of worship-negligent about the education of the great mass of the People, the improvement of their habits, the comforts of their Pastors and Teachers: and, indeed, generally cold and indifferent to the amelioration CHAP. I. or Negligence of future fate of their fellow-countrymen, their tenants, labourers, &c.-whose money the Legisla- and labour they have, nevertheless, always ture, deigned to accept, without offering any equivalent in return. Finally, the Irish Legislature, as we have observed, in the very hour of their extinction, raised this lasting monument of their uncharitable spirit: the Statute of 1800, creating the corporation of "Commissioners for discovering Cha"ritable Bequests in Ireland." CHAP. II. CHAP. II. Of the Laws which deny to the Catholics the right of sitting and voting in the Houses of Legislature: and herein, of the Elective Franchise, as enjoyed in Ireland. 1. EXCLUSION from all share in the Legislative power is a grievance of so weighty a nature, and especially under the present system of Government in this Empire, that it claims our principal attention, next after the subject of the foregoing chapter. Its effects are daily and severely felt throughout Ireland. Severity of this exclusion. Its dangers to property, Not only is the station of a Legislator of the first dignity and value, in a country where the Legislature is omnipotent, but it is even necessary to the safety and protection of every man in his life, liberty, and property, that he should enjoy, equally with his fellow-citizens, the right life,liberty, and of sharing in the power of Legislation. To be debarred from this right-to receive laws from the will of others, who may have few common interests with him, and fewer sympathies-nay, whose interests and feelings may sometimes be directly hostile to his; to feel himself, in every CHAP. II. respect, at the mercy and disposal of other perSeverity of this sons-is a condition of society, which a reflecting exclusion. man must acknowledge to be very dissimilar to that of Freedom. He might, perhaps, prefer a system of avowed practical despotism. 66 Arch-deacon Paley has well observed, that "One tyrant cannot exercise oppression: at so many places at the same time, as it may be "carried on by the dominion of a numerous privileged order over their respective depend"ants.------Of all species of domination this cription of the "is the worst: the freedom. and satisfaction of "private life are more constrained by it than Arch-deacon worst species of despotism. Mor.and Polit. by the most vexatious law, or even by the Phils. vol. 2. 181. Degrees of slavery compared "lawless will of an arbitrary monarch-from 66 "whose knowledge and from whose injustice the greater part of his subjects are removed by "their distance, or concealed by their obscurity." 66 The known principles of human conduct, and' the uniform evidence of history, confirm and illustrate Dr. Paley's observation. Where a people happen to be subject to the will of one man, their fate will depend upon the accidental' character of their master. It may be alleviated, or, perhaps, improved by his virtues, his talents, or his sense of his own interests. His vices or his follies may, indeed, prove mischievous: but |