advisable just now to interpose a variation from the positions as they have been actually taken. Should any change take place, however, admitting of an opportunity, it will be easy to suggest the qualified proposition of the Secretary of the Navy, of the propriety of which there can be no question. No such hypothesis as that on which it rests seems, under present circumstances, to be admissible. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, &c., &c., &c. [Enclosures.] 1. Lord Russell to Mr. Adams, April 11, 1864. 2. Mr. Adams to Lord Russell, April 16, 1864. Lord Russell to Mr. Adams. FOREIGN OFFICE, April 11, 1864. SIR: I should not have thought it necessary to prolong the correspondence which has passed between us in regard to the treatment of British subjects found on board the vessels captured in attempting to run the blockade, had it not been for the passage in your note of the 15th ultimo in which you say, "For whereas in common cases it is the duty of the captor to presume the parties to be neutrals, by the new element now introduced it becomes his duty to presume them to be guilty until they can show the contrary." I feel it incumbent upon me to say, that if the meaning of this passage be that captured British vessels or their cargoes are generally to be treated, henceforth, on a different footing from that on which, by international law, all neutrals are placed-that is, if they are to be all presumed, in the first instance, to be engaged in the enemy's service, and to have thrown on them the burden of proving the contrary, her Majesty's government could only regard such conduct as a violation of international law, to which they could not in any way consent. Her Majesty's government must therefore protest against the adoption of such a course. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. RUSSELL. Mr. Adams to Earl Russell. LEGATION of the United States, London, April 16, 1864. MY LORD: I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of your note of the 11th instant, taking exception to a passage in mine of the 15th ultimo. I have carefully re-examined the circumstances connected with the proposition objected to, with the care which is customary with me when I find myself so unfortunate as to differ with your lordship, but I regret to confess my inability to arrive at any varied conclusion. In further confirmation of the position taken, I now have the honor to trans mit to you copies of certain papers which have lately come into my possession. These consist of a printed paper purporting to be an act passed by the insurgent authorities at Richmond, "to provide for the public defence," and another called "official regulations to carry into effect the aforesaid act." Inasmuch as these are found in a newspaper printed in London, and avowed to be in the interest of the insurgents, and entitled "confederate official documents," I presume there can be no question of their genuineness. I pray your lordship's particular attention to the express condition exacted from all vessels engaged in trade with the insurgent ports, that one-half of the tonnage of each vessel may be employed by the so-called government for its own use both on the outward and homeward voyage. In other words, the rebel authority insists upon the right to convey, on its own account, under the shelter of a neutral flag, the means to retain its resistance to the United States, to the extent of at least one-half of the capacity of every vessel employed in the trade. This is a fact brought home to the knowledge of every person engaged in it, by the necessity of giving bonds for the faithful execution of the condition. Concurrently with this, I ask your lordship's attention to another paper, being an exact copy of a private and confidential circular which has been lately issued by parties well known in London. The object of this scheme is obviously concerted action to carry into full effect the purposes contemplated in the regulations aforesaid, to wit: to furnish facilities from this kingdom to the rebel authorities for transporting, on their own account, under the flag of Great Britain, supplies to enable them to continue the war, on the one side, and the commodities with which to pay for them, on the other. I cannot avoid the conclusion that this proceeding, taken in all its parts, must be regarded by my government as placing British subjects and British ships engaged in this trade in the category of allies and servants of the insurgents; and inasmuch as no persons appear to be permitted to be engaged in it but those who comply with the conditions, it necessarily follows that all must be considered as enemies, and liable to be treated accordingly. It is proper, however, for me here to observe, that I have made the present representations on the strength of general instructions heretofore given to me by my government. Time enough has not elapsed for it to receive information of the extraordinary facts developed by the appearance of these papers. I have felt it my imperative duty to lose no time in submitting this remonstrance to your lordship, while I transmit a copy for the approbation of my govern ment. I pray your lordship to accept the assurances of the highest consideration with which I have the honor to be, my lord, your most obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Right Hon. EARL RUSSELL, &c., &c., &c. No. 664.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: In regard to your directions contained in your No. 898, of the 5th inst, I am somewhat embarrassed by the course which the proceedings in the case of the Sea Bride have heretofore taken. By reference to my despatch No. 604, of the 25th of February last, you will perceive that I inferred from the language of Lord Russell to me that his views, on all questions in relation to that vessel and her cargo, were to be communicated to you through Lord Lyons. Since then Mr. Mellen has sent to me copies of his correspondence with the colonial authorities at the Mauritius, which come down to a later date than those which you have received and transmitted with your present despatch. I presume the later papers will have reached you about the same time with 653, of the 8th instant, on the same subject. my No. Inasmuch as this case is in some respects peculiar, I have concluded, before doing anything, to await your judgment after a full view of the correspondence. There is no injury likely to happen from delay. It seems to me as if something more would be necessary than merely to bring the matter to the attention of this government. As some nice legal distinctions may be involved in the positions to be taken, I should be glad to have some line of instructions to know how far to go. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, &c., &c., &c. No. 666.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have the honor to transmit copies of a note addressed by me to Lord Russell, of the 16th instant, on the subject of the outfit of the steamer Hawk, and his acknowledgment of it, dated the 18th. Mr. Dudley's letter, on which the representation is based, was sent to you last week, as it came to me so addressed, probably by mistake. The Hawk is represented to have left the Clyde, her destination alleged to be London; but, thus far, her arrival here has not been announced. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, &c., &c., &c. Mr. Adams to Earl Russell. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, MY LORD: I have the honor to submit to your consideration the copy of a letter addressed to me by Mr. Dudley, consul of the United States at Liverpool, touching a steam vessel in process of construction and outfit at Renfrew, on the Clyde. My information of the nature of the work put into this vessel convinced me, some time since, that she was not intended for ordinary trade. Later circumstances, more and more distinctly, point out her destination and object to be to carry on hostilities against the commerce of the United States. The difficulty of obtaining direct evidence, in cases of this kind, has of late increased in proportion to the apprehension felt by the parties engaged of the consequences. of detection. I shall, therefore, confine myself to a representation of the case as it has been laid before me in this letter, and to solicit attention to it on the part of her Majesty's government. I pray your lordship to accept the assurances of the highest consideration with which I have the honor to be, my lord, your most obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Right Hon. Earl RUSSELL, &c., &c., &c. Earl Russell to Mr. Adams. Foreign Office, April 18, 1864. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 16th instant, enclosing a copy of a letter from the United States consul at Liverpool, respecting a vessel called the Hawk, in process of construction and outfit, at Renfrew, on the Clyde, and I have the honor to inform you that the attention of her Majesty's government had been already directed to this vessel. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, SIR: I have your despatch of April 8, No. 653, which relates to the proceedings at Mauritius, in the matter of the cargo of the Sea Bride. It will be well, I think, to defer a representation on that subject until a season more propitious than the present one. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., Sr., &c., St. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 667.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: In relation to the suggestion made in your despatch No. 893, of the 4th of April, I have already anticipated it in a note addressed to Lord Russell on the 16th instant, based on the depositions of twenty-one persons enlisted by the rebel agents, furnished to me by Mr. Morse. These papers are so voluminous that copies will not be ready for this week's steamer. They will be sent next week, in company with my note. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, &c., Sr., &c. No. 669.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have received from Mr. Burlingame, at Pekin, by way of Irkutsk, a telegram dated the 24th of March, to the following effect: "Inform them at Washington that the Chinese government, on my demand, has issued a proclamation forbidding the use of the waters and harbors of China to the confederate cruisers, as well as to furnish them any supplies." I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, &c., &c., &c. No. 917.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, SIR: I have received your confidential despatch of the 8th of April, No. 651, together with a copy of the London Times, which contains the reason assigned by the law lords for their decision dismissing the appeal of the Alexandra. have expressed in a letter to Mr. Evarts the view I have taken of the course to be pursued on that subject in London, and I have transmitted to you a copy of that communication. I have submitted to the President the reflections upon the temper and disposition of the British nation as they are affected by our civil war with which you have favored me. The correctness of your views is established by the fact that the insurgents manifestly have a bold, vigorous, and effective party in both houses of Parliament and in the British press, which party is confessedly influential in the general administration of public affairs, while the United States seem to have in the British legislature and in the British press no advocates or defenders, except persons who, however great their ability and worth, are, nevertheless, practically excluded from the conduct of national affairs. There is, moreover, a marked habit prevailing in Great Britain of comparing British resources and achievements with American resources and achievements, and this is done so unnecessarily, and often in a spirit so illiberal, as to indicate a sense of rivalry. Our civil war has endured three years. It has necessarily brought up many irritating and perplexing questions between the two countries. I think it would be safe to say that no belligerent state ever bore itself more forbearingly towards a neutral power, whose subjects committed so many injuries and provocations, than we have done towards Great Britain. I think it equally clear that no neutral power was ever more unyielding and more exacting towards a belligerent than Great Britain has been towards the United States. Your inference from this condition of things is, that this government must apply itself with the greatest possible energy to bring the civil war to a speedy and triumphant conclusion, or else it may have reason to expect conflict with Great Britain and with her allies. While, however, we accept this wise counsel, it would be unjust on my part toward the Treasury, War, and Navy Departments if I were to withhold the expression of a thorough and deliberate conviction that the war is conducted with all the energy and skill which any administration of the government of the United States in their circumstances could command. The conflict is indeed a great one, and the ideas and interests which sustain the parties engaged in it render it fierce and obstinate. We must, therefore, accept the case as it is-a case of severe domestic trial, with continual danger of foreign intervention. We have before us but one line of duty-that is, the way of perseverance. It is the course we have pursued hitherto. It will save us now unless we are to be lost. That this nation can be lost is a conclusion that neither our virtue nor our patriotism nor even our reason can accept. I will not say how great our confidence in the opening campaign is. Events are so near that we can more wisely wait for them than anticipate them. Nor can we prudently forget that of all human transactions those of war are, in their sequence, the most uncertain and capricious, although the ultimate results are a subject of political calculation. We have the conviction that the national cause is in a far stronger condition now than it has been at any previous stage of the civil war, while the disunion forces seem weaker than at any time heretofore. The maritime powers whose interference is to be apprehended if we shall be unfortunate, seem to me to be somewhat less at liberty to engage against us now than they have hitherto been. I think it certain that we have more friends |