feasible, and likely to prove successful. Nor is the principle new, but as old as human society; it lies at the bottom of every trial in our courts; we often find the wisest and best men preferring it in their own case even to a regular course of law; and we merely ask nations to use the same degree of justice, candor and good sense in adjusting their difficulties, that individuals do in theirs. Can they not do so?

III. Should both these expedients fail, we should still have in reserve the principle of MEDIATION. When rulers become so exasperated against each other, as to withdraw from official intercourse, and the strange, semi-barbarous code of national honor requires them to keep aloof, or to meet only on the field of battle, a third power friendly to both, interposes with the offer of its services as mediator; such services the parties are now bound in courtesy to accept; and this simple expedient, a new development of the pacific tendencies of the age, promises to obviate the most delicate and difficult cases of misunderstanding. It is well known that duellists cannot fight so long as a mutual friend stands between them as mediator; and, if so effectual for the prevention of duels, the principle, equally applicable to war, would be likely to prove still more successful here, from the longer delay necessary, from the greater publicity of the transaction, and from the overwhelming majority on both sides interested in a peaceful issue of the dispute. Thus might a single cabinet, by the well-timed tender of its services, hold in check the war-spirit of the whole civilized world, and keep its nations in permanent peace. Not unfrequently has this expedient been employed since the downfall of Napoleon; and every one can remember with what speedy and signal success, England alone acted, in the course of only a few years, as mediator between France and ourselves, between Holland and Belgium, between Sweden and France, and between France and Switzerland. It is a new antidote to war, and may do much to insure the steady and lasting peace of Christendom.

IV. But the perfection of all substitutes for war, would be & CONGRESS OF NATIONS. By this we mean a congress, or meeting in convention, of as many nations as could be brought into the measure, to agree upon a full code of international law, and next a High Court of Nations, or board of international arbitrators, to interpret and apply that code, to adjudicate whatever cases might be referred to them by consent of parties, and to act for the great brotherhood of nations as the guardian of their common rights and interests. It would perform for nations substantially the same services that a civil tribunal does for individuals, or the Supreme Court of the United States does for the different States in our confederacy

It would have no right to touch any case not voluntarily referred to it by the nations in dispute; and all its decisions would be merely advisory, and become binding only by the consent of each party, and efficacious solely by the force of public opinion in their favor. There would be at its command no fleets, no armies, no power whatever besides the influence of its own reputation, the voice of the civilized world, and perhaps an application in extreme cases of peaceful penalties, to awe refractory states into acquiescence. An expedient founded on the very same principle with our codes and courts of law; an expedient as old, in one form or another, as civil government or human society; an expedient just as applicable to nations as to individuals, and likely, if once established, and used aright, to prove as successful in the former case as it has in the latter; an expedient that could certainly do no harm, and might suffice at once to prevent forty-nine wars in fifty, and eventually supersede forever the whole war-system.

Here, then, are four substitutes for war, each simple, easy and effective; substitutes which every man of the least sense or candor must admit to be infinitely better than an appeal to the savage argument of lead and steel; substitutes which recognize right instead of might, reason in place of brute force, as the arbiter of national disputes; substitutes which nations could, if they would, adopt in part, without delay, and ere-long, the whole of them; substitutes which would at once supersede every plea of necessity for war, insure far more justice in the intercourse of nations, and guaranty in due time their permanent peace and prosperity.

Now, we insist on the duty of nations to adopt such substitutes as these. If they are moral agents like individuals, they are equally bound to an amicable, bloodless adjustment of their difficulties; and, if war is held by none to be justifiable except as a last resort, and should never be employed till after all other expedierts have failed, then must nations, on the lowest principles of peace or common sense, abstain from the sword until they have not only tried in good faith negotiation, reference and mediation, but established a congress of nations, and submitted their disputes to its high and impartial arbitrament. All this they can do, if they will; and, until they do it, how can war be called their last resort?

'But nations have no common judge, and hence they must decide each its own case.'-True, they have at present no such judge; but they might have, if they would; and we call upon them by every motive of reason, duty and self-interest, to establish one as soon as possible.

'Meanwhile, however, what shall settle their disputes?'

Surely not the sword, but some one of the substitutes we have proposed. War settle disputes! Never! The parties invariably sheath the sword before they dream of a settlement, and then despatch, not men of blood to fight, but men of peace, plenipotentiaries, to negotiate. And why not do this before fighting, and thus obviate all necessity of war? We had a controversy with England about our north-eastern boundary; and, had we gone to war, would that have settled the dispute? No; it would only have aggravated its difficulties. There is no logic in bullets and bomb-shells; the butchery of millions on the disputed territory could not have thrown a single ray of new light on the points in controversy; and, after wasting myriads of treasure, and shedding oceans of blood, we should have been obliged to employ for the final adjustment the very same pacific means that might have been used even more successfully before the war than after it.

'True, if the parties were willing; but can you make them willing before they have fought awhile?'-Yes, we could, if we would; but how little effort is made for peace in comparison with what must be for war? No two nations could begin a war in earnest without sacrificing, in one way and another, scores of millions; but a tenth or even a hundredth part as much, if wisely spent in the use of moral means for the purpose, would form such a public sentiment, that no power on earth could goad the parties into conflict.-Unwilling for a peaceful adjustment!-who is unwilling? Am I? Are you? We resent the charge; and, should you go through both countries, you would find scarce a man that would not profess to be equally anxious for a bloodless issue of the dispute.

'Perhaps the people are willing; but the rulers are not.'Rulers not willing!-why not? Because the people do not ⚫ call loud enough for a peaceful settlement. Rulers will generally go either for peace or for war, just as the people go; they can, if they will, settle their disputes without war, quite as well as individuals can theirs without duels; they will do so, whenever the people shall come every where to demand it aright; the people will thus demand it, whenever they shall be duly enlightened on the subject; and hence do we urge the pulpit and the press, every sect in religion, and every party in politics, all Christians, philanthropists and patriots, to unite in filling every community with such an abhorrence of war, and such strong desires for peace, as shall hereafter constrain rulers to employ pacific expedients alone for the settlement of all national disputes.

AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY, BOSTON, MASS

ARBITRATION,

AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR WAR.

ADDRESSED ESPECIALLY TO RULERS.

THE evils of war are coming to be more generally known, and more deeply felt than in ages past. Its suspension or derangement of business ;-its havoc of life and property;-its crippling of agriculture, manufactures, and the various arts that minister to individual and national prosperity;-the obstructions it opposes to commerce, to travel, and every kind of useful intercourse between nations;-its baneful influence on morality and religion, on the cause of liberty and popular improvement, on the various enterprises now in progress for the welfare and redemption of our whole race, on the dearest interests of mankind for time and eternity; all these and many other results of this custom are rapidly conspiring more and more to make every good man deplore it as a terrible scourge, and earnestly desire its speedy, universal abolition.

Such views are no longer confined to peace societies; but the mass of the people, wherever enlightened on the subject, and free to utter their sentiments, are beginning to call for peace. It is fast becoming the popular demand of the age, the cry of millions sighing for relief. They begin to discover in war the source of their worst evils. It is the origin and support of the tyranny that rules them with a rod of iron; its enormous burdens have long been grinding them into the dust all over the old world; the war-debts of Europe alone, secured by mortgage upon their bones and sinews, exceed by far the entire amount of specie now on the globe; more than four-fifths of all their taxes go to pay the interest on these debts, and to maintain even in peace some three millions of standing warriors as moths on the community; and, when they remember how many centuries this monster has revelled in their blood, and how often it has plundered and burnt their cities, and laid waste their villages, and trampled down their harvests, and desolated their peaceful homes, and butchered their sons upon the battle-field, and subjected their wives and daughters to a fate still more deplorable, can we wonder, that the people, always the chief sufferers from war, are at length demanding of their rulers to obviate its alleged necessity by the adoption of other means than the sword for the settlement of national disputes?

P. T. NO. XXIX.

Nor is this demand unreasonable. Rulers could, if they would, adjust their difficulties, and regulate the entire intercourse of nations, without war. There is no real need of this custom; and, were they so disposed, they could supersede it at once and forever by substitutes far better than lead and steel. They compel the people to settle their quarrels without bloodshed; and we see not with what sort of consistency they can require or permit the wholesale butchery of their subjects in war for the adjustment of differences in which the combatants themselves have no personal concern. It is a cruel outrage upon the people, as well as a bitter mockery of common sense; and it is quite time this foul stain were wiped from the escutcheon of Christendom forever.

And can it not be done? Yes, with ease and safety. Do you ask how? We might suggest a variety of feasible and efficient methods; but we now restrict ourselves to one which relinquishes no right, and sacrifices no interest, contravenes no important principle, and startles few, if any prejudices; a measure adapted to the present state of the world, and consistent with the precepts of Christianity, and the dictates of sound policy; a measure level to the comprehension of all, and commending itself to their common sense; simple, practicable, and likely to prove successful. It is ARBITRATION as a recognized substitute for war. Better to agree among themselves, if they can, without the intervention of a third party; but, if they cannot, we wish nations in every case to settle their difficulties, as individuals in society do theirs, by some form of reference. The method we propose has been occasionally employed; but we urge its adoption as an established, permanent principle. We would have nations incorporate in every treaty a clause binding the parties, as their last resort, to adjust whatever differences may arise between them, not by an appeal to arms, but by reference to umpires mutually chosen. The arrangements for this purpose might safely be left in every case to the contracting parties; but they should invariably bind themselves in good faith to abide by the decision of their referees, and claim, if dissatisfied, only the privilege of renewing or changing the reference.

Here is the outline of our plan. It speaks for itself, and may seem too clear to require either argument or illustration. Common sense decides, that no man should be allowed to judge in his own case; and this principle is quite as applicable to communities as to individuals. The former, equally liable to all the influences that bias the judgment, and lead to wrong conclusions, should never be permitted, any more than individuals, to act as witness, jury and judge in their own