The National Guards, like Falstaff, showed their valor in its better part. The Convention, having its teeth drawn, was then allowed to meet without interference. That such an assembly should exist at all was a menace to the peace of the country. The ambiguous language of the Cabinet forbade the Castle to proceed to a direct inhibition of it. The easy suppression of the National Guards taught the delegates that the time was not come to carry the Constitution by escalade. Thus the Back Lane Parliament, as the new body was called, came together; the first Catholic elective assembly which had existed in Ireland since the Parliament of King James. The occasion was celebrated with the usual high-flown language. Edward Byrne took the chair," the spirit of liberty running like an electric fire through every link of the Catholic chain." The immediate business was to prepare a petition to the Crown, or rather to revise and sanction it, for the petition itself had been already composed by Tone. It was a document like all which came from the same hand, with the same gaudy diction and the same regardlessness of truth. It professed the most burning loyalty. It asked for the franchise on the ground that the Catholics had merited confidence, and that confidence would make their attachment to the throne more secure; while Tone's own admitted object was separation from England, and his central conviction was that every Catholic in his heart hated England.1

Such as it was, the Catholic representatives adopted it as their own. It was signed by Dr. Troy the Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, and by Dr. Moylan

95.

1 "Petition of the Catholic Convention." - Plowden, vol. iv. Appendix,

the Bishop of Cork, on behalf of the Catholic prelates and clergy of Ireland. The delegates signed for themselves and the laity. The Catholic community had now unmistakably declared their wishes, and the immediate business was concluded. Five of the body were selected to lay the petition before the throne-Edward Byrne himself, Keogh, Christopher Bellew, John Devereux, and Sir Thomas French. The thanks of the Convention were given to Tone for his services, and they then separated, with the significant resolution that "they would meet again when summoned, if it was on the other side of the Atlantic."

The five gentlemen set off for England, taking Tone along with them. To give éclat to their mission, they went by Belfast, where the people took their horses from the carriage and drew them through the streets to the quay where they embarked. In London they were received by Lord Moira, who entertained them in his house, and promised that if the Ministers refused to present them to the King, he would claim his privilege as a peer and introduce them himself. Hobart wrote an ineffectual warning, especially against Keogh, who, he said truly, was connected with the worst men and the worst intentions in the country, but "so plausible and subtle that there was danger in communicating with him." The Cabinet had, unfortunately, made up their minds, in the face of proof to the contrary, that Catholics could not be revolutionists; that they were rather the necessary and natural enemies of revolution; and that the delegates therefore ought to be received. Dundas presented them; they delivered their petition, and it was graciously accepted. They informed

Dundas afterwards, in a private interview, that the peace of Ireland depended on concession, and Dundas. believed them. They assured him that although their actual demand stopped at the franchise, yet that nothing would really satisfy them short of total emancipation. He did not discourage them. He told them that their present claims should be recommended to Parliament from the throne; that he looked to them, in return, to support order and authority; and they left him with the belief that the Cabinet contemplated the entire abolition of all religious distinctions at no distant period.

"Our opinions are not altered," Lord Westmoreland wrote when the news of this extraordinary performance reached him. "The Chancellor, the Speaker, and the Archbishop of Cashel still consider it most unwise. The alarm at concession is aggravated by the principle on which it is made. You expect it will give quiet here. It will not unless you say emphatically that the Irish Parliament, having made this concession, will then receive the cordial support of the British Government. The recommendation from the throne appears as originating from the petition of the Catholic Convention. At this moment a daring insurrection prevails among the lower Catholics in neighboring counties for the purpose of disarming the Protestants. This is part of the intimidatory system of the Catholic Committee. How is it to end? If year by year it is to be the same story, gentlemen will prefer the hazard of resistance now to strengthening those with whom they must hereafter contend."1

"Intimidation," said Hobart, "is too glaring on

1 "The Earl of Westmoreland to Dundas, January 9, 1793."-S. P. O.

the face of the whole proceeding. Instead of satisfying the Catholics, the public tranquillity will be in greater danger from the concessions than if none were made. Every man of talent we have considers himself sacrificed for England's convenience. Be assured, unless England speedily interposes energetically with regard to Ireland, we shall have a commotion of a very serious nature. I see plainly it will not be understood till it is too late. They are now setting up the King against the Government, to undermine the Constitution. It is precisely the French system, and will produce the same consequences. Believe no one that would persuade you that Keogh's party- and it leads the Catholics are not Republicans." 1

Westmoreland and Hobart formed their opinions from knowledge of Ireland. Dundas and Pitt formed theirs from knowledge of human nature generally, which they conceived that they could apply to Ireland; they stood sulkily to their purpose, and intimated plainly that the concession of the franchise was not to be the last. "We are perfectly ready," Dundas replied to their letter, "to declare our determination to support the Protestant Establishment of Ireland, and maintain its form of government: but, unfortunately, we and his Majesty's servants in Ireland differ essentially as to the best mode of securing those objects. We consider the Catholics less likely to concur in disturbing the existing order of things when they participate in the franchise, than if totally excluded from those benefits which must be most dear to men living in a country where the power of an Independent Parliament has been recognized. Had the franchise been granted a year ago it would have been

1 "Major Hobart to Evan Nepean, January 9 and 19, 1793."

enough; now it will probably not be enough. We recommend to your Excellency and your Irish advisers a candid consideration of the whole subject, and the danger of leaving behind a sore part of the question." 1

Political disaffection was to be conciliated by concession of power; internal anarchy was to be healed by a homoeopathic remedy of a similar kind. Meanwhile the plunder of arms and the attacks of the peasantry on the houses of the Protestants in Meath and King's County had become so systematic and so daring, that the gentry had associated for self-defence. Fifty gentlemen were attacked one night in the beginning of January by six hundred Irish. The Catholic peasantry were not caitiffs like the Dublin mob. They fought desperately; and though beaten off at last, held their ground till six-and-thirty of them were left dead on the field.2

The comment of the Cabinet was to insist on the impropriety of continuing an unnecessary and impolitic disqualification. Since the Catholics had such a passion for possessing arms, they considered it would be wiser to place them at once on a level with other citizens.3

1 Dundas to the Earl of Westmoreland, January 23, 1793." Abridged. 2 MSS., Ireland, January, 1793. — S. P. O.

8 "Dundas to the Earl of Westmoreland, January 23, 1793."