seen Talleyrand, and had talked at length with him on the condition of Ireland. He had been naturally intimate with the other Irish refugees. Napper Tandy was considered mad, strolling about the streets in uniform, and calling himself a major. Hamilton Rowan had been pressed to return, but preferred safety in America, and professed himself sick of politics. After this, "the person," as Lord Downshire called his visitor, keeping even the Cabinet in ignorance of his name, came to the immediate object of his visit to England. He had discovered that all important negotiations between the Revolutionary Committee in Dublin and their Paris agents passed through Lady Edward's hands. The Paris letters were transmitted first to her at Hamburgh. By her they were forwarded to Lady Lucy Fitzgerald, in London. From London, Lady Lucy was able to send them on unsuspected. Being himself implicitly trusted both by Lady Edward and by Lady Lucy, he believed he could give the Government information which would enable them to detect and examine these letters in their transit through the post.

Pitt was out of town. He returned, however, in a few days. Downshire immediately saw him, and Pitt consented that "the person's" services should be accepted. There was some little delay. "The person "took alarm, disappeared, and they supposed that they had lost him. Three weeks later, however, he wrote to Downshire from Hamburgh, saying that he had returned to his old quarters, for fear he might be falling into a trap. It was fortunate, he added, that he had done so, for a letter was on the point of going over from Barclay Teeling to Arthur O'Connor, and he gave Downshire directions which would enable him to intercept, read, and send it on.

Such an evidence of "the person's" power and will to be useful made Pitt extremely anxious to secure his permanent help. An arrangement was concluded. He continued at Hamburgh as Lady Edward's guest and most trusted friend, saw every one who came to her house, kept watch over her letter-bag, was admitted to close and secret conversations upon the prospect of French interference in Ireland with Rheinart, the Minister of the Directory there, and he regularly kept Lord Downshire informed of everything which would enable Pitt to watch the conspiracy.

One of his letters, dated November 19, is preserved:

“A. Lowry writes from Paris, October 11, in great despondency on account of Hoche's death, and says that all hopes of invading Ireland were given over. I then saw Rheinart, the French Minister, who begged me to stay here, as the only mode in which I could serve my country and the Republic. I instantly acquiesced, and told him I had arranged matters with Lord Edward Fitzgerald in London for that purpose. I showed him Lowry's letter. He said that things were changed. Bonaparte would not listen to the idea of peace, and had some plan, which I do not know.

"I told him the spirit of republicanism was losing ground in Ireland, for the Catholics and Protestants could not be brought to unite. I mentioned then what Fitzgerald told me in London, viz. that after I left Ireland they had thought of bringing matters to a crisis without the French. Arthur O'Connor was to have had a command in the North, he himself in Leinster, Robert Simms at Belfast; that the Catho

lics got jealous of this, and Richard McCormick, of Dublin, went among the societies of United men and denounced the three as traitors to the cause and dangerous on account of their ambition.

"All letters to or from Lady Lucy Fitzgerald ought to be inspected. She, Mrs. Matthieson, of this place, and Pamela carry on a correspondence. Lewines, Teeling, Tennant, Lowry, Orr, and Colonel Tandy are at Paris. Tone expects to stay the winter there, which does not look like invasion. Oliver Bond is treasurer. in London.

He pays Lewines and MacNeven

"Now for myself. In order to carry into effect the scheme which you and Mr. Pitt had planned, it was requisite for me to see my countrymen. I called on Maitland, where I found A. J. Stuart of Acton, both of them heartily sick of politics. Edward Fitzgerald had been inquiring of them for me. I went to Harley Street, where Fitz told me of the conduct of the Catholics to him and his friends. He said he would prevail on O'Connor or some such to go to Paris. If not, he would go himself in order to have Lewines removed. Mrs. Matthieson has just heard from Lady Lucy that O'Connor is to come. I supped last night with Valence, who mentioned his having introduced Lord Edward and O'Connor to the Minister here in the summer, before the French attempted to invade Ireland. They both went to Switzerland, whence O'Connor passed into France, had an interview with Hoche, and everything was planned.

"I feared lest Government might not choose to ratify our contract; and being in their power would 1 A relative of Lady Edward.

give me my choice either to come forward as an evidence, or suffer martyrdom myself. Having no taste for an exit of this sort, I set out and arrived here safe, and now beg you 'll let me know if anything was wrong in my statements, or if I have given offence.

If

you approve my present mode of life and encourage me so to do, with all deference I think Mr. Pitt may let me have a cool five hundred, which shall last me for six months to come. To get the information here has cost me three times the sum; and to keep up the acquaintance and connections I have here, so as to get information, I cannot live on less."1

1 "Letter of November 19, 1797, from Hamburgh, to Lord Downshire.” -Irish MSS. - S. P. O.

CHAPTER III.

THE EVE OF '98.

SECTION I.

No statesmen were ever more painfully situated in the presence of conspiracy than those who were responsible for the safety of Ireland on the eve of the rebellion of 1798. The country was preparing for an insurrection which, by the confession of the best informed of its promoters, was likely if successful to be attended by scenes like those which had disgraced the rising of Sir Phelim O'Neil. The temper of the people was the same, the object was the same. The Government was exactly informed of all that was going forward. The names of the leaders, their purposes, their methods of proceeding were known. The first droppings of the coming storm were apparent daily in the paralysis of the civil authority and an organized system of terror. But the witnesses who in private were ready to betray their comrades or their cause were unavailable for purposes of public order and justice. The villager who with his own eyes had seen a family massacred, and in private, under an oath of secrecy, told his story with trembling lips, found his memory fail him when produced in court to repeat his evidence in public. The magistrate who might have dared the immediate menace of the secret tribunals, remembered that, though the