excusable. Private notice, probably, was sent to Grattan, and led him to the precipitate introduction of his Bill. It was not, however, till the 16th that the result of the deliberations was made known for

mally to Fitzwilliam. On that day two dispatches were addressed to him by the Duke of Portland. The first, which was intended to be shown to the Irish Council, was a repetition of the instructions which Fitzwilliam had carried with him to collect opinions on the probable effects of concession, and to send them over. From the tone of this letter no decisive inference could be drawn. The second and private letter was totally different. The Duke indicated a disagreement from Fitzwilliam on his own part so total, that the misunderstanding is explicable only on the supposition that Portland, who knew Ireland, had been overruled all along by Pitt and Dundas who knew nothing of it.

To yield to the clamors of the Irish Catholics, he said, was the way to make them irresistible and ungovernable; must change the constitution of the House of Commons, and with it overthrow the Church Establishment. The House of Commons was composed largely of members for small boroughs erected purposely to maintain the Protestant ascendency. Common sense and human nature forbade that these boroughs could survive the change now intended. A Reform Bill would follow, and all the declarations and assurances which might now be given could not prevent a consequent revolution in Church and State.1

Fitzwilliam did not yet realize that the Cabinet had

1 "Two letters from the Duke of Portland to Lord Fitzwilliam, February 16." Abridged.-S. P. O.

come to an unfavorable conclusion. He continued to argue as if the question was still open.

"You are thinking," he replied, "of a union between the two kingdoms, as a good to be expected from deferring the concession. Depend on the hope of that, and it will be the union of Ireland, not with Great Britain, but with France. You calculate on confusion arising from which the union will be welcomed as an escape. Church and State are safe as long as the laws stand. Conciliate the higher Catholics by concessions, and if the laws are threatened and a union is neccessary to save property, they will cry for it as loudly as the Protestants." 1

The uncertainty might have been protracted through further correspondence had not Grattan ended it by the introduction of his Bill. He, and perhaps Fitzwilliam with him, believed that the Cabinet would be not ill-pleased to find themselves committed by an irretrievable step. They had heard probably from other quarters that the King had interposed, and they wished to make retreat impossible. They had miscalculated the King's resolution. The step which they had ventured was unknown when Portland wrote on the 16th; on the 17th the news arrived in London that the Irish Government had openly committed itself, and that "the outlines of the intended Bill had been laid before the House with the consent of the Viceroy, before an opportunity had been allowed to the Cabinet of expressing an opinion upon it." The Duke wrote at once, kindly indeed but emphatically, to tell Fitzwilliam that there was not a difference of opinion in the Cabinet on the extreme impropriety of his conduct. He "could not

1" To the Duke of Portland, February 21." Abridged. — S. P. O.

repress his astonishment " that Grattan should have been allowed to introduce his Bill. He directed Fitzwilliam "in the plainest and most direct terms to take the most effectual means in his power to prevent any further proceedings with it until his majesty's further pleasure should be signified to him.”1

Five days later he wrote again, "by the King's command," that as circumstances might arise to satisfy Lord Fitzwilliam of the undesirableness of his remaining in the Administration, he was "authorized to resign" "the manner was left to his discretion." Fitzgibbon and the Speaker, the two most vigorous opponents of Emancipation, were named with the Primate "Lords Justices." 2

All was now confusion. The most confident expectations had been excited. The political patriots and the priests had each regarded Ireland as their own. The United Irishmen had counted the one step gained to which the next was to be separation from England. The peasantry believed that they had paid their last sheaf of tithes and their last shilling of rent. At once the cup was dashed from their lips. Many a mad exploit had been achieved in Ireland by the negligence or folly of Ministers, but this last was above and beyond them all. The Catholic Committee reassembled in haste in Dublin. They again reviewed their forces and found themselves unequal for the present to an unassisted insurrection. They determined to organize. They debated the propriety of applying for help to France.3 Meanwhile Keogh

1 "Portland to Fitzwilliam, February 18."-S. P. O. 2" Portland to Fitzwilliam.

23."-S. P. O.

Most secret and confidential. February

8 "I am informed, through a channel which has been much relied on in former administrations, that the Catholic Committee are forming a select

and Byrne and McCormick were sent to London with a petition to the King that the Viceroy might remain with them. The Committee itself passed a vote of thanks to the Belfast Republicans for their early and steady support of Emancipation. To Grattan they voted an address, in which they declared that "Protestants and Catholics were united to resist the outrage which had been offered to Irish pride,” and that if Fitzwilliam was taken from them, his successor should be received by the hisses of a betrayed and irritated nation. Grattan answered that Emancipation would still pass. It might be the death of one Viceroy, but it would be the peace offering of another. He declared that he would himself proceed with his own Bill, and carry it he would, immediately or hereafter. In recalling Fitzwilliam, Britain had planted a dagger in Ireland's heart.1

Parliament which had supposed itself deliberately abandoned, was at first at a loss to conceive what had happened. The Duke of Leinster carried a resolution in the Lords that Fitzwilliam deserved their confidence. Sir Lawrence Parsons carried an address to him in the Commons not to abandon the country. Gradually it began to be understood that there had been some extraordinary mistake, but where or how was unexplained. "If," said Parsons, on the 2d of March, "the Irish Administration has encouraged the Catholics in their expectations without the counte

and secret committee of a few, who in future are to be trusted with larger powers. They are to take an oath of secrecy and perseverance. It is said that, on a close investigation of their strength and influence on the recall of Lord Fitzwilliam, they despair of anything effectual without the assistance of the French, and it is seriously in contemplation to send an embassy to Paris, if the Catholic question should be lost in the Irish Parliament." -"Pelham to the Duke of Portland, March 30." — S. P. O. 1"Address of the Catholics to Grattan, with Grattan's answer, Feb. 27, 1795." Plowden, vol. iv.

nance of the British Cabinet, they have much to answer for. If the British Cabinet has assented and afterwards retracted, the demon of darkness could not have done more mischief had he come from hell to throw a firebrand among the people. Let the ministry persevere, and the army must be increased to myriads, and five or six dragoons must be quartered in every home in the kingdom."

The opponents of Emancipation made their advantage of the confusion. "May no one, then," inquired Sir John Blaquiere, "have an opinion of his own on the Catholic question, without a guard of soldiers to protect him?"

"Are we to listen to such words as these?" said Ogle, "and are the Roman Catholics to gain credit for loyalty?"

66

The temper of men was so excited on all sides, that the transfer of authority to the Lords Justices was held too dangerous to be ventured, and the Chancellor and the Speaker themselves begged the Viceroy to remain till a successor arrived. Fitzwilliam was careful to explain that he continued in Dublin only in consequence of their request. Apprised as he was of the sentiments of H. M.'s confidential servants that nothing short of the annihilation of H. M.'s Government was impending by his remaining in office," he yielded "reluctantly to the entreaties of the respectable persons whom H. M. had pointed out for Lords Justices," and undertook not to abandon the Government before the end of the month.1

On all grounds the interval of uncertainty was made as brief as possible. To replace Fitzwilliam the choice of the Government fell on Lord Camden, 1 "Fitzwilliam to the Duke of Portland, March 7.” — S. P. O.