ignored. In the midst of a vehemently eloquent population this class, of all others, seems rarely to make itself heard. Thus a very prevalent idea, often supported by appearances, is that all Catholic Ireland is firmly opposed to British rule, which is alone advocated by a Protestant minority.

It may well be hoped that the time may come when loyal Irish Catholics will display the same spirit in words which they have certainly shown in deeds, and not allow it to be thought, despite of their own conduct, that loyalty to England only exists, in Ireland, among Protestants. Yet the apparent weakness of loyal Irish Catholics in their own country cannot be denied. At elections and public meetings they are usually silent. British rule, and sometimes even connection, are warmly denounced by many Catholics of comparative education, amid enthusiastic approval of numerous and more ignorant hearers. On the other hand, Irish Protestants, with equal earnestness, avow resolute and often claim exclusive attachment to England, and declare their abhorrence of Irish Nationality.

If the early education and social ideas infused among the Irish even to the present day are examined, the enmity animating their different classes and religions is more easily understood. Irish Catholics are often taught, perhaps as much by parents and relations as by clergy and schoolmasters, to view Protestant fellow-countrymen as hereditary, and, therefore, implacable foes. Though they may frequently assist or sympathise with them, the old animosity derived from alleged historical injuries is seldom forgotten. On the other hand, Irish Protestants are often taught, by the example and precept of those they respect, that Irish Roman Catholics are their inveterate enemies, hereditary and implacable. Even disreputable specimens of Catholics and Protestants are consequently often thought more worthy of the support and confidence of their co-religionists than the most respectable of their fellow-countrymen, whose religion alone causes them to be thought implacable enemies, with whom real friendship is therefore almost impossible.

Such prejudices, in their full intensity, are almost unknown at the present day throughout

Great Britain. As among Irish landed gentry Catholics form a very small minority, their opinions and interests are usually ignored, for even they often employ Protestant agents and bailiffs over their tenantry, an immense majority of whom are Catholics. Thus the ordinary desire-too prevalent, probably, everywhere-of landlords to obtain and tenants to withhold as much as possible, is in Ireland usually mingled with the distrustful hostility between Catholics and Protestants, the bitterness of which is, perhaps, only understood by those who have lived long in Ireland.

An hereditary animosity of this nature, wholly irrespective of conduct and character, neither aroused by personal injury, nor excited by personal affront, is peculiarly difficult to overcome, but extremely easy to strengthen and inflame.*

*“One of the best and brightest changes visible in Ireland is the almost total disappearance of sectarian animosities, and the kindly mingling of creeds and classes in the duties of every-day life."-Sullivan's New Ireland, vol. ii. chap. xvii. This pleasing statement, written in '77, Irish history of the last eight or nine years has certainly not confirmed.

The praiseworthy desire for personal popularity, perhaps felt by some persons almost unconsciously, is in Ireland often encouraged and gratified in a way most injurious to the real interests of a divided community. For instance, even if a Christian clergyman assails certain religious or political views with peculiar bitterness of invective, he is generally admired instead of restrained by co-religionists and political partisans, while opponents often regret that such a valuable champion does not belong to their own party. Fairness towards opponents, a desire to hear or discuss both sides of any religious or political question, are usually thought, even in these days of educational enlightenment, merely signs of a weak spirit or a wavering mind, unfit to lead or exhort one party against another, and therefore unworthy of public, if not private confidence. In fact, a social as well as political reward are virtually offered in Ireland to conduct and language which deserve, and in most civilised countries would incur, general disapproval.

It is certainly surprising that, despite the increasing education and enlightenment of this age,

there remain in Ireland inveterate religious and political prejudices, apparently very slightly diminished by influences usually found to remove them. These feelings may remain dormant for a time, but at any electoral contest they reappear in all their vindictive intensity. It is then that the speeches and counsels of fair-minded, moderate men appear to many as weak, spiritless, even cowardly, and not without a false appearance of reason. For people, after hearing their own religious or political opinions denounced in the most offensive language by opposing speakers and writers, are naturally in no mood to hear fair-minded, moderate men of their own party. They long, as if for an antidote, to hear their calumniators reviled in precisely the same manner. Hence, mutual injustice causes practical resemblance in a disgraceful competition of ignorant and often ferocious rancour.

In cases of personal quarrel or vindictive enmity, independent of legal dispute, the influences of parents, mutual friends, and of religion in most civilised lands usually suffice, if not to reconcile, at least to calm and render compara