ing within them. Mr. Dexter was of the latter description; though he could observe keenly, when it was interesting to him to do so. His common and usual manner was a dignified and formal reserve, that of one who is conscious of intellectual superiority. His personal appearance indicated that he was not a man with whom liberties could be taken, or to whom familiarity could be offered. Yet, in private intercourse, and when he felt himself unrestrained, he was an agreeable and instructive associate; but he did not take much interest in what is called "company," and spent but little time in that way. Instances, however, are remembered, in which he gave full scope to social sympathies. He was a parishioner of the celebrated and lamented Buckminster, (who died June, 1812.) The distinguished men of the parish visited Mr. Buckminster on the evening of Sunday. (The same practice was observed in the time of his predecessor, Dr. Thacher, and of his predecessor, Dr. Cooper.) In these social interviews, Mr. Dexter received, as well as imparted pleasure. It is believed that he was not of that class of men who need or who desire intimacies; but was of the privileged few who can always be companions to themselves. Whether this course is, on the whole, the best, each one must judge for himself.

During Mr. Madison's war, Mr. Dexter separated from his federal friends; a circumstance which they exceedingly regretted. It is not known that the true causes of this separation have been explained. The separation continued to the close of his life.

LETTER LXXIV.

MARCH 9, 1834.

THERE are yet among the living some men whom Mr. Jefferson included in his general denunciation, and who held a con

spicuous rank in the first fifteen years of this century. It would be a grateful pleasure to speak of them, as men and as citizens. This would lead to a long enumeration; too long for the present purpose. It cannot be disrespectful to others to mention some who deserved well of their country in the greatest perils, and but little less serious than those experienced in the revolution. Party men they were, because none but party men could live in the days of Jefferson and Madison. But this they may say of themselves and their associates, and as the last act to be done on this side the grave, that they ever acted from purest motives; that their country had no just cause to complain that they did act, but, on the contrary, should be ever grateful to them for their resistance of ill-advised and dangerous measures.

Harrison Gray Otis was too young to have taken part in the revolution; but not to bear arms when the insurrection of 178687 required the services of all good citizens. He was too young to have been a member of the convention which adopted the constitution; but in 1800 he was in Congress, an opponent of Jeffersonism; and was among the embarrassed number who had to choose between Jefferson and Burr. From that time to the close of Mr. Madison's war, Mr. Otis was constantly in Congress, or in one or the other of the legislative branches of the state; and for many years at the head of one or the other. He was the orator of all popular assemblies; the guide of popular opinion in all the trying scenes of commercial restrictions, embargo and war. With a fine person and commanding eloquence, with a clear perception and patriotic purpose, he was the first among his equals, alike ready, at all times, with his pen and his tongue. What motive could this gentleman have had, to effect such purposes as Mr. Jefferson charged upon him and his associates? Disunion? He, and all rational men knew then, as they know now, that the moment the Union is broken, discord, anarchy, civil war and despotism must come. They knew then, as now, that a "northern confederacy" could be effected only by force; and if to be

effected even by consent, what hope of peace or prosperity could there be within its limits; or security from the hostile dispositions of those beyond them? It is hardly credible, that even such men as Jefferson and Madison, deluded as they were, could have so underrated the intelligence of northern men, as to have imputed to them such designs. If they knew that those imputations were false and groundless, there is no apology for having made them but this: : party, disorganizing, demoralizing, tyrannical party, holds all means to be lawful, which can accomplish its purpose.

There is one man whose name does not appear in conventions, nor much in the legislative or popular assemblies, but who had, when in these, as at the bar, a fervent and commanding eloquence. But especially he had a powerful influence on public opinion through the press. The discussion of public measures during these fifteen years, by John Lowell,* were published without his name, in pamphlets. It is improbable that distant generations will know (if efforts to preserve civil liberty shall be worth their notice, or if they are in condition to understand its worth), how much they are indebted to Mr. Lowell. He fearlessly opposed, in masterly reasonings, the disastrous and unprincipled policy of these fifteen years. His style and manner were clear, cogent and convincing. His works were universally read, and were invaluable in correcting and enlightening public opinion. His "Madison's war," one of the most elaborate of his works, was so independent of all personal consequences which might arise, (from the performance of what he held to be his duty as a true patriotic citizen, in developing the character of national administration,) that his friends were inclined to dissuade him from publishing. This country is under the greatest obligation to him for his manly perseverance. All the evils which he prophesied were realized, short of absolute despotism; and that this was not, is to be ascribed only to the better perceptions of the

Son of Judge Lowell.

community of impending perils, in effecting which he labored with eminent success.*

Josiah Quincy was in Congress from 1805 to 1813, and therefore present at the creating of commercial restrictions, embargo and war. He was a fearless and eloquent opponent of all those measures; and therein faithfully represented the feelings, wishes and sound judgment of his constituents. His speeches are among the best records of the character of the times. He drew up the admirable address of the minority of Congress. James A. Bayard, then in the Senate of the United States, from Delaware, examined and approved, with the serious responsibility which that statement of unquestionable truths involved. Mr. Quincy is still before the public, and it would not accord with his own perceptions, to speak of him but in allusion to historical events in former years.†

It is believed that the following pamphlets were written by Mr. Lowell, though none of them bear his name:

1. Madison's War. 2. The Boston Rebel. 3. The Road to Peace, Commerce, Wealth and Happiness. 4. An Appeal to the People on the Causes and Consequences of a War with Great Britain. 5. Perpetual War the Policy of Mr. Madison. 6. Diplomatic Policy of Mr. Madison unveiled. 7. Analysis of the Correspondence between our administration and Great Britain and France. 8. An Essay on the Rights and Duties of Nations relative to Fugitives from Justice; considered with reference to the affair of the Chesapeake. These productions were republished in the several states, were applauded by all discerning and honest men, and obtained for their author distinguished fame.

† Among the speeches preserved of Mr. Quincy, are the following:

1806. On fortifying the ports and harbors of the United States.

1808. On the first resolution of the committee of foreign relations.

1809. On the bill for holding an extra session of Congress.

1810. On the resolution of Congress, approving the conduct of the Executive towards Francis J. Jackson, (British minister.)

1811. On the bill to admit the territory of New Orleans, as a state, into the Union.

On the influence of place and patronage.

46 On the non-intercourse law.

1812. On maritime protection.

Artemas Ward (now Chief Justice of the Common Pleas)* was the worthy successor of Mr. Quincy. He was present at the trying scenes, which occurred in the latter time of the war, in the House of Representatives. The speeches of this gentleman were grateful to his constituents, as they showed him to be most diligent and faithful in maintaining their constitutional rights, and in resisting the dangerous encroachments of power.

James Lloyd was a senator from Massachusetts in these days. He was a gentleman of liberal education, and an eminent merchant. He distinguished himself very honorably in the Senate, in many speeches; comprising not only the intelligence of a statesman, but a practical knowledge in commerce, which was much more rare in the assembly which he addressed. Mr. Lloyd demonstrated the folly of the embargo in the clearest manner.

[It was intended to have described the eminent men, who were in Congress during the war, and to have shown what part they respectively took in the affairs of the country. But many of them are still living, and this discussion may be left to a more distant day from these scenes, and to a better delineator.]

1812. On the pay of non-commissioned officers.

แ On the relief of merchants from penalties incurredon importations of British goods.

1813. On raising an additional military force.

These speeches (among others) will attract the notice of some future historian, who desires to know the true character of the times. There were very able men, in those days, in both branches, who did their duty. Though the country is deeply indebted to Mr. Quincy, he owes one debt to it, which he is very able, and it is to be hoped, equally willing to pay. He must have the materials on hand, for an accurate and just history of the eventful times, in which he was a public man. He is already known as an historian, and the time has already come in which he might put forth his knowledge of men and things.

Since deceased.