under the direction of federalists, its dismemberment and destruction! One would think, that these men had every inducement, which can influence the human mind, to preserve the constitution, and to have it wisely administered.

If they had desired to create a monarchical system, their course would have been to keep out of the Union, to have promoted anarchy and confusion, and to have made force necessary to preserve order; and to have availed of that force to establish their dominion. They were to do this while the whole country was impoverished and distressed by the effects of the revolutionary war; and when New England had almost exhausted its strength in repelling the efforts of royalty to establish a tyrannical power. These very men, whom Mr. Jefferson charges with the design of erecting a monarchy, through the means of interior commotion, were the foremost to suppress the rebellion in Massachusetts, in 1786-7; and who were instructed by that occurrence, perhaps more than any other, in the necessity of a federal union. These are facts not to be denied; and how do they agree with Mr. Jefferson's calumnies?

As to the design of converting the national government into a monarchy, which Mr. Jefferson so often asserts, how were they to effect such a purpose? Mr. Jefferson admits, that the people of the United States everywhere, except among leading federalists, were republican. Monarchy could be erected but in one of two modes, assent or force. Mr. Jefferson does not pretend that it could be done by assent. He says it could not; and truly. The people of the United States had just effected their liberation from a monarchy. Were they, while the memory of their toils and sufferings was so fresh, to have submitted to the dominion of one of their own citizens, and have stood quiet or applauding spectators to see him crowned? Were the federalists as silly as Mr. Jefferson thought them wicked? Did not they know the state of public opinion as well as he did? If one could suppose such an absurdity as Mr. Jefferson has caused to be published, who was to be the king? Admit that everybody was ready for a monarchy,

and that the federalists had only to arrange their order of it, one had as much pretension to wear the crown as another. They must have peaceably arranged among themselves, who should be masters and who should be servants. A king would need dukes and lords to prop him up. Who were to be selected for such dignity, and who excluded? impute to men, who certainly had some claim to common sense, and who had done all they could to establish republican liberty, the project of a peaceful arrangement of a monarchy ?

Who but Thomas Jefferson would

Royalty by force, was a still more absurd project. The federalists must have had command of men and money. How were either to be obtained? The federalists had no money wherewith to maintain a military force; and the people must have submitted to military exactions to have kept any force on foot, for a single week. Mr. Jefferson presumed too much on the credulity of his countrymen, in supposing that they would believe him; or he had been spoiled in finding that his assertions had been so long received by them as truths. The more probable solution is, that Mr. Jefferson's readiness to believe what he had hoped was true, had convinced him that it was true. He somewhere says, that an often asserted falsehood, comes at length to be a truth in the mind of him who asserts it.

Mr. Jefferson did no credit to his own book learning, of which he had a great deal, in assuming, that a republic can be converted into a monarchy, in either of the modes which he imputes to the federalists. He knew, or ought to have known, that republics have never changed into monarchies, but always into despotisms. He must have known that when despotism overwhelms this country, it will come by the usurpation of men, who can delude the multitude under the guise of being their friends. No man that has lived in the United States in the last fifty years, has done so much as Mr. Jefferson himself, to prepare the public mind for such usurpation. All the misrule which now afflicts this country, can be fairly traced to him. He may have been far enough from any such design; but the effect is a sorrowful fact, as a large propor

tion of the thinking men of the country see with dismay. If there be, in the present chief magistrate,* indications of a desire to exercise an absolute authority, he proposes to do it, in virtue of being the popular favorite. As such, his friends sustain him.

LETTER XXXVII.

JUNE 15, 1833.

THE Jeffersonian dominion began in the United States on the 4th of March, 1801. The opponents of the federal constitution had (by means well known, that is, by all manner of appeals to popular prejudice) been gaining strength. The same means persevered in, would, in another four years, have given the administration to them. The experience of the last thirty years proves, that the majority of the American people can always be ruled by their friends. In other words, combinations of adroit men who want office, emolument and distinction, and who consider all these to be only prizes to be gamed for, can always find the means of winning them. Those who have the principles and feelings of the founders of the government, by whatsoever name distinguished, must content themselves with opposition to what they conscientiously believe to be destructive of the original purposes for which the government was instituted. This they must do, or prefer, as Mr. Jefferson says, "the calm of despotism to the tempestuous sea of liberty," under very disagreeable masters.

When the votes were counted, it appeared that Mr. Jefferson had seventy-three, Aaron Burr seventy-three, John Adams sixtyfive, C. C. Pinckney sixty-four. As the constitution then was, two persons were to be voted for, both of whom could not be

This refers to Andrew Jackson.

resident in the state in which the vote was given. The highest number of votes, being a majority of all the votes cast, made the President; the next highest, being a like majority, made the Vice President. Jefferson and Burr having an equal number, the choice devolved on the House of Representatives. Mr. Jefferson took care to have this "procedure corrected" by a change of the constitution before another election. The House vote, on such occasions, by states. If the number of representatives from a state was seven, a majority of this number constituted the vote of the state. If the number was equal, the vote of the state might be divided; but by a regulation adopted by the House, the vote was not lost in case of division, but was counted; though for neither party. From New Hampshire there were four; from Massachusetts, fourteen; from Connecticut, seven; from Vermont, two; from Rhode Island, two; from New York, ten; from New Jersey, five; from Pennsylvania, thirteen; from Delaware, one; from Maryland, eight; from Virginia, nineteen; from North Carolina, ten; from South Carolina, five; from Georgia, one; from Kentucky, two; from Tennessee, one. Among the members spoken of, from personal observation, were Sedgwick, Thacher, Otis, Lincoln, Griswold, Dana, Goodrich, Smith, Champlin, all of New England. Jonas Platt, New York; Edward Livingston, New York; Gallatin, Pennsylvania; James A. Bayard, Delaware; Samuel Smith, Maryland; Henry Lee, Virginia; John Randolph, Virginia ; Littleton W. Tazewell, Virginia; N. Macon, North Carolina; R. G. Harper, South Carolina; Thomas Pinckney, South Carolina; John Rutledge, South Carolina.

The House voted, among other regulations, to attend to no business but the election, while it was pending, and not to adjourn until an election was effected. The balloting began on Wednesday, the 11th of February, and continued until Tuesday, the 17th, at one o'clock; recurring at longer or shorter intervals. In thirty-five ballotings, the vote stood eight for Thomas Jefferson, six for Aaron Burr, and two states were divided. On the thirtysixth ballot, Jefferson had ten states, Burr, four; and two states

gave a blank vote. The presence of every member during this extraordinary scene, which lasted seven days, was indispensable. Some of them were infirm or indisposed, and were accommodated with beds or couches; and one member was so indisposed as to be attended by his wife. The whole number present was one hundred and four; of whom a majority were federalists, though there was not a federal majority of states. The election was decided by the votes of Vermont and Maryland. Lewis R. Morris is said to have withdrawn, leaving his colleague, the famous Matthew Lyon, (who was convicted of sedition,) to vote for Vermont. Four federalists, in Maryland, are said to have given blank votes, and the other four members from that state, to have voted for Jefferson.

These seven days of balloting were days of great excitement. Mr. Adams was there as President, contemplating the approach of his political annihilation. Mr. Jefferson was there daily presiding in the Senate, in all the inquietude of success or defeat. Burr was at New York or Albany. The federalists, in the House, had a most painful and responsible duty to perform; that of choosing between two such men as Jefferson and Burr! Among the rumors of the time was this: That the federalists could, and would, prevent any election, and would permit the balloting to go on till the 4th of March, and consider both offices (President and Vice President) vacant, and leave to the President of the Senate to exercise the executive power. Another rumor was, that a law could be passed to vest in some person the executive power. It is not improbable, that, from the abhorrence which some members may have felt at seeing Mr. Jefferson in the office of President, means were spoken of, adapted to prevent such a national misfortune. Doubtless the federalists would have done anything, which they believed to be constitutional and dutiful to prevent it; but no such propositions are supposed to have been discussed. The Jeffersonians insisted, that the people meant Jefferson should be President, and that, if the House did not choose him, an armed force would go from the neighboring states to compel the House