"At this day, after the lapse of twenty-five years or more, from their dates, I have given to the whole a calm revisal, when the passions of the time have passed away, and the reasons of the transactions act alone on the judgment. Some of the informations I had recorded, are now cut out from the rest, because I have seen that they were incorrect, or doubtful, or merely personal, or private; with which we have nothing to do." We are, therefore, to take all that Mr. Jefferson retains to be correct, free from doubt, and neither personal nor private; and also to be that which Mr. Jefferson intended for the world after "calm revisal."

LETTER XXXIV.

JUNE 5, 1833.

THE perusal of Mr. Jefferson's writings raises the very difficult question, What was his motive for preparing them, and leaving them for publication?

Did the writer, in this case, mean only to vindicate himself against aspersions made in his lifetime; or against calumnies which might arise after he was gone? Did he mean to arrogate to himself pre-eminent merit, as a citizen and statesman? If so, was it necessary to his purpose to deny all merit to cotemporaneous adversaries? Was it necessary to impute to these adversaries deliberate wickedness, long cherished and persevered in? If he thought such a course necessary or proper, how should it have happened that he so managed the matter as to have furnished to these adversaries, all the proofs which they could desire, of the errors and wrongs which they had imputed to him?

The only candid answer that can be given to such inquiries is, that Mr. Jefferson entertained very erroneous opinions of himself, and of others, and of the nature of society. It is the more to be

regretted, both for himself and his country, if he was perfectly sincere in what he said and did; and believed himself to be what he professed to be. From his self-education, and the course of his studies, from the natural turn of his mind, his perceptions of his fellow men, and of the natural and necessary laws of society, it is probable that he had formed rules of right and wrong, adverse to those commonly received. It is also probable, that Mr. Jefferson did not always respect the rules of moral action, which those who live according to Christian precepts, are supposed to observe. It was doubtful, at least, before Mr. Jefferson's books appeared, whether he had any sound opinions on civil government; and whether he understood the true meaning of the political institutions under which he lived. His books have had no tendency to affect these doubts favorably to him; certainly none to prove, that he was wise and useful in his application of the rules, which the supreme law of the land prescribed to him.

Whatever Mr. Jefferson may have said of constitutional rules, he thought himself under no obligation to observe them, whenever he found them inconsistent with his own views of expediency. He supposed a deliberate and solemn establishment of a form of government, intended by one generation for their own welfare, and that of all succeeding ones, until changed with the like solemnities, bound only the generation by which it was established. Selected to be the chief ruler by the people, he was the proper organ for expressing their will, "Lilliputian ties" notwithstanding. Even in this political latitudinarianism, if he did not like the motive which he had assigned for any act done by him, he was at liberty to assign any other, adapted to a present exigency. If Mr. Jefferson's writings show that such were his opinions, it does not necessarily follow that he was intentionally wrong. It only shows that such was the character of the man. How far he has maintained his claim to the respect and gratitude of his countrymen, as "the great and good Mr. Jefferson," is quite another matter.

With no part of Mr. Jefferson's life, before he became an agent for the United States, is it intended to interfere. His services to his native state, his fellow citizens there will estimate. At the age of forty-one, (in 1784,) he departed from the United States, to represent his country at the French Court. He had, before that time, written his "Notes on Virginia," in which he had expressed some opinions tending to show, that he might be prepared to regard with complacency, the doctrines which prevailed among certain philosophers. These men, (Voltaire, Rousseau, D'Alembert, Diderot, and others,) as is well known from their lives and writings, had expressed a total disregard of some precepts, which other men, commonly reputed to be wise and virtuous, held in high respect. While he was there, the French Revolution began; and it is in nowise discreditable to Mr. Jefferson, that he expected from it a political and social renovation, which no country could be more in need of than France. In this fermenting region, Mr. Jefferson remained until the close of 1789, and then came home. Meanwhile the national government had been. established, and he had been invited, by President Washington, to take the place of Secretary of State, which he did, at New York, on the 22d of March, 1790.

Mr. Jefferson had never approved of the constitution. He came into place with an honest and decided dislike of some of its powers. He came in also, with an equally honest and inveterate hostility to England; and with a zealous devotion to the revolutionary measures of France. He had, no doubt, such recollection of English measures during the war, and while he was governor of Virginia, as may have been a full justification, in his own mind, for all the opinions which he entertained. The necessity, and the utility, of the changes going on in France, were also sober convictions. Many other men, quite as honest and clear-sighted as Mr. Jefferson, thought as he did, as to France, at that time. Whether he carried into public policy his hostility towards one nation, and his affectionate attachment to another, so thoroughly as to lose all

consideration for the interests of his own country, is a question on which there were two opinions among his countrymen.

Mr. Jefferson found Alexander Hamilton at the head of the treasury, Henry Knox at the head of the war department, and Edmund Randolph, Attorney General, and these persons, with himself, were the constitutional advisers of the President. It is probable that this selection was made to inspire confidence in the administration. Hamilton was much esteemed in the state of New York, wherein there was a strong minority against the constitution. Knox was highly esteemed in Massachusetts, where there was also a strong minority. From Virginia, where the like opposition was vehemently manifested, it was perhaps deemed expedient to take two members of the cabinet, both of them men of distinction, and one of them eminently so; and both of them well known to have been adverse to the constitution. It may have been the intention of the President to have, in his councils, both sides of the case.

It is well proved, that from the beginning Mr. Jefferson and Colonel Hamilton had very different views of expediency; equally well proved, that these gentlemen became personally opposed, if not personal enemies, and so much so as to call for the interference of the President to attempt a reconciliation. Here may, perhaps, be found one of the causes of the political conduct of Mr. Jefferson, and some of his motives for the declarations as to Hamilton, which appear in Mr. Jefferson's writings.

The reproach which Mr. Jefferson, again and again, casts upon Hamilton is, that he was a monarchist, and devoted to the British interest. At the distance of more than thirty years from the time in which the scenes, which he discloses, occurred, and more than twenty years after Hamilton was dead, Mr. Jefferson intended the publication of the casual confidential remarks of Hamilton, with such coloring, probably, as may have best suited his purpose. The point on which Mr. Jefferson seems to have founded Hamilton's political turpitude, was the proposal, and the support, of the "funding system," and the bank. This appears to have

been considered by Mr. Jefferson, as a corrupt design to assimilate the government of the United States to that of England, and gradually to introduce the political system of that country. The following are some of the many similar passages which are found in Mr. Jefferson's books, as published since his decease:

Vol. iv. p. 450. "Hamilton was not only a monarchist, but for a monarchy bottomed on corruption.'

Same page. While Washington was absent, Jefferson invited the members of the cabinet and Mr. Adams to dine with him, to consult on Genet's movements. After dinner Mr. Adams said, "Purge the (British) constitution of its corruption, and give to its popular branch equality of representation, and it would be the most perfect constitution ever devised by the wit of man." Hamilton said, "Purge it of its corruption, and give to its popular branch equality of representation, and it would become an impracticable government. As it stands, at present, with all its supposed defects, it is the most perfect government that ever existed." Mr. Jefferson adds, "Hamilton was, indeed, a singular character. Of acute understanding, disinterested, honest and honorable in all private transactions, amiable in society, and duly valuing virtue in private life; yet so bewitched and perverted by the British example, as to be under thorough conviction, that corruption was essential to the government of a nation."

Page 474. "Mr. Butler tells me, that he dined last winter in company with Hamilton and others, Hamilton declared openly, that there was no stability, no security, in any kind of government but a monarchy."

Page 503. December 27, 1797. "Tench Coxe tells me, that a little before Hamilton went out of office," (nearly three years before,) Hamilton said, "For my part I avow myself a monarchist; I have no objection to a trial being made of this thing called a republic, but, &c."

There are many similar records of Hamilton, in this volume. This gentleman may have entertained speculative opinions on government. He may have supposed, that his own countrymen