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CHAP. XXXVII.

CHAP.

National debt of Ireland--Difpute about previous confent-Difcontents--Kildare's memorialChange of administration-Parliamentary transactions-National poverty and partial remedies-Violence of a mob-Threats of a French invafion-Thurot's defcent-Whiteboys-Hearts of Oak-Parliamentary tranfactions-Octennial bill-New fyftem of admi niftration--News-papers--A parliamentRejection of a money-bill- -Second feffion of the Octennial parliament, &c.--Death of Lucas▬▬ Hearts of Steel-Emigration to America.

XXXVII THE national debt of Ireland, which had been National principally occafioned by an unlimited vote of credit,

debt.

given to government by the house of commons in 1715, as an aid against the rebellion then excited in North-Britain, had, by the poverty of the nation, encreased, in eighteen years, from fixteen thoufand to three hundred and feventy-one thousand pounds. In the application of public money for the discharge of this debt, when, in fome years afterwards, from the augmentation of the linen manufacture and fome

other

poverty

other favourable circumftances, the national
had become in fome degree diminifhed, an occafion
was taken for a trial of parliamentary ftrength be
tween the two factions of patriots and courtiers.

CHAP. XXXVII

about pre

fent.

1753,

By an act amounting to a perpetual money-bill, in Difpute the reign of Charles the fecond, a hereditary revenue vious conwas settled on the crown, which proved more than fufficient for the support of government till after the revolution, when an additional fupply was granted by the commons. When, in 1749, of a furplus of two hundred and twenty thoufand pounds, remaining in the treasury, after the discharge of all the expenses of government, an act was paffed for the application of a hundred and twenty-eight thoufand five hundred pounds toward the payment of the national debt, a question arose, whether in the king or the commons refided the right of difpofing of this furplus? If the redundancy had arifen from the hereditary revenue alone, the right of its disposal would have indifputably refted in the king; but it was of a compound nature, partly derived from the hereditary, partly from the additional duties.

The king was, however, affured by his judges. and counsellors that his previous confent was neceffary for the application of this money. Therefore 175', when heads of a bill were certified into England for the discharge of a hundred and twenty thousand pounds of the national debt from a furplus of two hundred and forty-eight thousand in the treasury, the duke of Dorset, the lord lieutenant, informed the commons, in his fpeech from the throne,

Q 2

CHAP. throne, that his Majefty would graciously confent to XXXVII fuch a difpofition, and that he recommended the fame to their confideration. In the bill transmitted into England the term confent was omitted by the commons, but it was inferted by the British cabinet, and, thus altered, the bill was paffed on its return by the Irish parliament without oppofition. In 1753, the patriots were more fully prepared for refiftance. To apply to national ufes, particularly the difcharge of a part ftill remaining of the public debt, a confiderable portion of almost three hundred and fixteen thousand pounds unappropriated in the treafury, a bill was tranfmitted with the fame omiffion, and returned with the fame alteration, as before; but, on account of this alteration, was rejected by the commons with a majority of five voices. The money, thus left unapplied, was all, except the fum of feventy-feven thoufand five hundred pounds, which was given to extinguish the national, debt, by virtue of a king's letter withdrawn out of Ireland, to the great detriment of the kingdom, in which the circulation of it in public works would have been of confiderable advantage. The contest perhaps might have been avoided by the commons by the infertion of the word affent instead of confent; but an aristocratic party aimed at a forcible acquifition of power by oppofing the court, and had the address to render the people the inftruments and dupes of their ambition.

Difcontents.

To encrease the difcontent, occafioned by the withdrawing of the public money from Ireland, the favourers of the popular caufe, who held employ

.ments

ments under government, were moftly difplaced, CHAP. and the primate was urgent with the lord lieutenant XXXVII. to carry this plan to more extenfive execution. The patriots or oppofitionists were ftudiously représented to the king and British miniftry as a Jacobite and popish party, aiming at the expulfion of his Majefty from the throne. To counteract fuch proceedings, James Fitzgerald, earl of Kildare, as the eldest peer of the realm, prefented from his own hand a memorial to his fovereign, ftating, among other particulars, that remonftrances, formerly made, were fufpected, fince they had remained unnoticed, to have been stopped in their progrefs to the royal ear: that he had come forward at the request of feveral thoufands of his Majesty's loyal fubjects: that the face of the loyal kingdom of Ireland wore difcontent, "not coloured from caprice or faction, but purely founded on minifterial mifapplication:" that the fad effects were felt of power monopolized by the primate and lord George Sackville, fon of the chief. governor; and that this duumvirate was as much dreaded by Ireland as that of Strafford and Laud had been by England. This procedure, which gave the highest offense to minifters, and which they affected to confider as an act of extreme folly and rashness, appears to have had ultimately fome influ-ence on the king. The mob of Dublin, terrific in its tumults, alarmed the viceroy for his perfonal fafety; and he retired from the kingdom, as if he were making his escape, under the protection of his guards, and of a mob hired, and cajoled with drink,

for

>

CHAP. for the purpose, by a man who was rewarded with a XXXVII penfion for this fervice.

Change of

tion.

Pri

In the adminiftration of the marquis of Hartingadministra- ton, afterwards created duke of Devonshire, who 1755. fucceeded as lord lieutenant in 1755, a revolution had place in the fyftem of Irish government. mate Stone was removed from the privy council by order of the king: Boyle, the great leader of oppofition, was created earl of Shannon, with a penfion of two thousand pounds a year; and John Ponfonby, fon of the earl of Besborough, was appointed fpeaker in his room feveral others of the patriot faction were advanced to lucrative employments: most of thofe, who had been difplaced for favouring the popular cause, were with honour reinstated: and when, in 1756, the viceroy returned to England, the earls of Kildare and Befborough were conftituted lords juftices in conjunction with lord chancellor Jocelyn. The men of influence in the houfe of commons, having found that they could not avail themselves of a furplus in the treafury, took care to prevent in future the existence of fuch, depreffing the hereditary revenue, and making various grants of the national money, oftenfibly for public, but in reality for private ufes; infomuch that the perfons delegat ed for the difpofition of these grants were nicknamed in common converfation the fcrambling committee. In the perpetual ftruggle of the patriotic party, or rather of the aristocracy, against the court, independent men fometimes appeared, who, at least in their firft effays, drew the fight by degrees to the

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