property to strangers over whom he could have no control.

He then concluded by moving the resolutions.

Even in these last moments of their national existence, attempts were made to prevent the meeting of the Catholics, and the military here interfered with a view to intimidate them; but Lord Cornwallis was applied to, and it was permitted to proceed. Such was the state of sufferance to which the people were reduced, and under which they were allowed, but only for a few moments longer, to hold the lingering remnant of their expiring liberties. The resolutions deserve to be remembered :

Resolved, That we are of opinion that the proposed incorporate Union of the Legislature of Great Britain and Ireland is in fact an extinction of the liberty of this country, which would be reduced to the abject condition of a province surrendered to the mercy of the Minister and Legislature of another country; to be bound by their absolute will, and taxed at their pleasure, by laws in the making of which this country would have no efficient participation whatsoever.

Resolved, That we are of opinion that the improvement of Ireland for the last twenty years, so rapid beyond example, is to be ascribed wholly to the independency of our Legislature, so gloriously asserted in the year 1782, by the virtue of our Parliament co-operating with the generous recommendation of our most gracious and benevolent Sovereign, and backed by the spirit of our people, and so solemnly ratified by both kingdoms as the only true and permanent foundation of Irish prosperity and British connection.

Resolved, That we are of opinion, that if the independency should ever be surrendered, we must as rapidly relapse into our former depression and misery; and that Ireland must inevitably lose with her liberty all that she has acquired in wealth, industry, and civilization.

Resolved, That we are firmly convinced that the supposed advantages of such a surrender are unreal and delusive, and can never arise in fact; and that, even if

they should arise, they would be only the bounty of the master to the slave, held by his courtesy, and resumable at his pleasure.

Resolved, That having heretofore determined not to come forward any more in the distinct character of Catholics, but as involved in the general fate of our country, that we now think it right, notwithstanding such determinations, to publish the present resolutions, in order to undeceive our fellow-subjects who may have been led to believe, by a false representation, that we are capable of giving any concurrence whatsoever to so foul and fatal a project; to assure them that we are incapable of sacrificing our common country to either pique or pretension; and that we are of opinion that this deadly attack upon the nation is the great call of nature, of country, and posterity, of Irishmen of all descriptions and persuasions, to every constitutional and legal means of resistance; and that we sacredly pledge ourselves to persevere in obedience to that call as long as we have life.

Signed by order,

Dublin, January, 1800.

JAMES RYAN.

65

CHAPTER III.

Mr. Grattan's difficulty of getting a seat in Parliament.-Conduct of opposition.-Peter Burrowes's plan to appeal to yeomanry.-Sheridan's words on the Union.-Arthur Wellesley's (Duke of Wellington) opinion on Union. Mr. Foster's difficulty as to the Catholics. -Letter from Lord Downshire and Charlemont.-Three plans for opposing the Union; purchasing seats; writing pamphlets; personal conduct. Mr. Grattan elected for the town of Wicklow.-Going to the House.-Parting with Mrs. Grattan.-Her spirited words.-Sir Laurence Parson's amendment.-Speeches of Plunket, Fitzgerald, Moore, Ponsonby, and Bushe.—Mr. Grattan's entrance into the House. -Sensation produced.-His appearance and conduct.-Speaks.Corry attacks him.-Arbitrary conduct of Government.-Post troops at the Houses of Parliament.-Meetings of the people stopped by the military.-Major Rogers threatens to blow the Court House about the ears of the freeholders in the King's County, 5th Feb.-Mr. Grattan's speech against Union.-Attacked a second time by Corry.-Government press on the question.-No regard paid to the Committee on Trade and Manufactures.-House in Committee.-Mr. Corry attacks Mr. Grattan. His reply. They leave the House.-Corry's character and conduct.-Corry's friendship.-His verses on Mr. Grattan.Account of the duel by Mr. Grattan.-Sheriff held by General Cradock till the parties fought.

AT this time it was a matter of considerable difficulty to procure a seat in Parliament. The Government had refused to grant the formal and usual facilities to such members as were desirous of retiring, being constantly on the watch to prevent the return of an anti-union member, as in the case of Col. Cole, before spoken of.

The introduction, therefore, of Mr. Grattan into Parliament was not easy to be effected, though very eagerly sought for by some of his friends who were most inveterate in their opposition to the Union, and who perhaps thought he would be

able to resist it with success, and give new spirit to the opposition. But it was too late; times had greatly altered since Mr. Grattan had left Parliament (in 1797). Parties, too, had assumed a different character; many favouring the Government in general, though opposed to them on this particular subject; Orangemen and Anti-Catholics seated by the side of Reformers and Emancipators; John Claudius Beresford and Mr. Foster acting with Mr. Ponsonby and Mr. Plunket.

This ill-assorted mixture required a skilful and plastic hand to mould together into a solid and united body, so as to call forth an effectual national resistance to the measure; but there was no one influential enough for the task.

Lord

Charlemont was gone.* His successor was young, and though well disposed and firm in his opposition, had not the benefit of experience. Mr. Ponsonby retained the habit of the law courtsnot even those of the forum; and lacked those commanding qualities to form a centre round. which a nation could rally. And above all, Mr. Foster, though sincere and zealous in his opposition, was not liked by the people, nor trusted by the Catholics. He had been long their opponent; and the measure of Union being artfully represented as likely to prove favourable to their claims, had made some doubt his sincerity, others surprised at his opposition; but that he was sincere cannot be disputed. At the same time he was informed by the Government, that if the measure passed he was to be provided for by one of the best situations in England.

Various were the plans proposed to counteract and defeat the Minister.

Mr. Peter Burrowes suggested a measure that

* He died in August, 1799, regretted by all, and by no one more than by Mr. Grattan.

might have proved successful, but he did not press it as much as it should have been, nor as much as he desired. At one of the meetings of the AntiUnion party, he proposed that an appeal should be made to the yeomanry; that they should call on them by virtue of their oath, in which they had sworn that they would uphold the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, and by which consequently they were bound to oppose such a measure as the Union. He urged the members of the Opposition to avail themselves of this oath, and circulate their appeal from the Lawyers' Corps to every corps in the kingdom. This would have given the proceeding a legal character and sanction, and have tended to make it more solemn and obligatory, coming with the recommendation of a grave and legal body. However, Mr. Saurin, Mr. Foster, and others, were opposed to it, and induced Mr. Burrowes to abandon the measure. He always considered this to have been a fatal decision, and regretted that he had not been allowed to press his resolution and carry it, which he seemed fully convinced he could have done. Government appeared to have apprehended that such a step might be taken, and signified their disapprobation of some corps that had expressed their opinion on the subject of the Union. Several years after this Mr. Burrowes was in company with Mr. Marsden, who had been Under Secretary at the period of the Union, and he mentioned these circumstances to him, and asked his opinion as to the probable result, and what the Government would have done if the Opposition had taken any strong measure of that sort. Marsden thought that they would have yielded, and would not have pressed the Union; that Lord Cornwallis and the Government were afraid lest the people would rise in arms; that they had just