have retired from his Majesty's service, considering this line of conduct as most likely to contribute to its ultimate success. The Catholic body will therefore see how much their future hopes must depend upon strengthening their cause by good conduct: in the mean time, they will prudently consider their prospects as arising from the persons who may espouse their interests, and compare them with those which they may look to from any other quarter. They may, with confidence, rely on the support of all those who retire, and of many who remain in office, when it can be given with a prospect of success. They may be assured that Mr. Pitt will do his utmost to establish their cause in the public favour, and prepare the way for their finally attaining their objects:* and the Catholics will feel that, as Mr. Pitt could not concur in a hopeless attempt to force it now, he must at all times repress, with the same decision as if he held an adverse opinion, any unconstitutional conduct in the Catholic body.

Under these circumstances, it cannot be doubted that the Catholics will take the most loyal, dutiful, and patient line of conduct; that they will not suffer themselves to be led into measures which can, by any construction, give a handle to the opposers of their wishes,-either to misinterpret their principles, or to raise an argument for resisting their claims; but that, by their prudent and exemplary demeanour, they will afford additional grounds to the growing number of their advocates to enforce their claims, on proper occasions, until their objects can be finally and advantageously attained.

THE SENTIMENTS OF A SINCERE FRIEND (THE MARQUIS CORNWALLIS) TO THE CATHOLIC CLAIMS.

If the Catholics should now proceed to violence, or entertain any idea of obtaining their objects by convulsive measures, or forming associations with men of jacobinical principles, they must of course lose the support and aid of those who have sacrificed their own situations in their

"The sentiments contained in this paper Lord Cornwallis knew to be Mr. Pitt's, having been conveyed in a letter from Lord Castlereagh to his lordship, which letter was previously seen and approved of by Mr. Pitt, although not expressed precisely in the terms read in the paper." -Words of Lord Castlereagh, 25th May, 1810, Parliamentary Debates. Yet who would have believed that in a few years afterwards Mr. Pitt should "without any pledge demanded from the King, have voluntarily "engaged not to bring forward the question."-Lord Hawkesbury's Speech, March, 1807.

cause, but also would, at the same time, feel it their indispensable duty to oppose everything tending to confusion.

On the other hand, should the Catholics be sensible of the benefits they possess, by having so many characters of eminence pledged not to embark in the service of Government, except on the terms of the Catholic privileges being obtained, it is to be hoped that in balancing the advantages and disadvantages of their situation, they would prefer a quiet and peaceable demeanour to any line of conduct of an opposite description.

The strange proceeding of a retiring minister giving written explanations to popular parties, unconnected with him, of his party's reason for secession, produced, as Mr. Cook's letter shows, an inquiry from London; and this certainly somewhat negatives the conclusion suggested by parts of the documents, as well as from other circumstances, that the resignation of 1801 was only specious, that Mr. Pitt wanted to avoid the humiliating peace, and to trick the Catholics. * Lord Cornwallis's two papers display a far greater anxiety to keep the Catholics clients of his party, than to secure their liberty; and his statement in the memorandum, that "no favourable assurance or promise" was made to the Catholics during the Union discussions, is directly false, and is nega

The substance of the preliminaries of peace between the French Republic and Great Britain and Ireland, signed the 1st of October, 1801, was as follows:

Great Britain retained the islands of Ceylon in the East, and Trinidad in the West, Indies, restoring all the other French, Spanish, and Dutch possessions.

The Cape of Good Hope was to remain a free port; Malta was to be independent both of Great Britain and France, and to be restored to the order of St. John of Jerusalem, under the protection of a third power, to be agreed upon.

Egypt was to be restored to the Porte's dominions, which power, as well as those of Naples and Portugal, with some inconsiderable exceptions, were guaranteed in their full integrity, as they stood before the war; Naples and Rome were to be evacuated by the French, and Porto Ferrajo by the English troops.

The

tived by the heads of the administration. most remarkable sentence in the series of documents is, that (in the "Memorandum ") in Lord Cornwallis's private opinion, Catholic emancipation was necessary for securing the connexion of Ireland and Great Britain.*

The new administration, formed in March, 1801, consisted of,

First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, Right Hon. Henry Addington.

President of the Council, Duke of Portland.

Lord Chancellor, Lord Eldon.

Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Westmoreland.

First Lord of the Admiralty, Earl St. Vincent.

Master General of the Ordnance, Earl of Chatham.

Secretary of State for the Home Department, Lord Pelham.

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Hawkesbury.

Secretary of State for the Department of War and the Colonies, Lord Hobart.

President of the Board of Control for the Affairs of India, Lord Viscount Lewisham.

Secretary at War, Right Hon. Charles Yorke.

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Earl of Liverpool.

Treasurer of the Navy, Right Hon. Dudley Ryder (afterwards Lord Harrowby).

Joint Paymaster of His Majesty's Forces, Right Hon. Thomas Steele, Lord Glenbervie.

Joint Postmasters-General, Lord Auckland, Lord Charles Spencer. Secretaries of the Treasury, John Hiley Addington, Esq., Nicholas Vansittart, Esq.

Master of the Rolls, Sir William Grant.

Attorney-General, Sir Edward Law (afterwards Lord Ellenborough). Solicitor-General, Hon. Spencer Perceval.

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Earl of Hardwicke.

Lord Chancellor of Ireland, Earl of Clare.

Chief Secretary for Ireland, Lord Castlereagh.

Chancellor of Exchequer for Ireland, Right Hon. Isaac Corry.

Robert Emmett's insurrection, though it originated from deeper sources than was generally alleged, was as perfect a surprise to Mr. Grattan as to any one in Ireland. The postscript of this letter to Mr. Berwick is his first expression of surprise, anger, and anxiety-anxiety for his

Irish Emancipation may yet be found as urgently necessary as Catholic.

country. The worst evil of an unsuccessful insurrection is not the loss of life in battle, but the legal butchery and ferocious terrorism which follow it. The time of Emmett's insurrection was unfavourable to success. The first wrath against the Union had burst, the sober animosity, fated ultimately to destroy that Union, had scarcely begun. England's troops were disposable, and the organization of '97 broken; yet, with a leader of more profound and stern character, the attack on Dublin might have succeeded, and then the country would have risen and a national war would have followed. But the attempt threw back the country for years, and, only it was so trivial that men were enabled with some degree of success to laugh at it, that one night's emeute might have been fatal to every eminent patriot in Ireland.

MR. GRATTAN to the Rev. MR. BERWICK.

25th July, 1803.

DEAR DOCTOR,-I agree with you about Thucydides, though I never read him deeply. Demosthenes being of your opinion is somewhat in its favour. I believe the Greek to be the best mode of writing. The best passage I ever read in Cicero is his praise of Demosthenes.

I hear nothing. There are rumours of Lord Moira coming in-it is an anxious time. I am happy that Lady Moira is so well. I shall drink her health to-day-I dine with Curran, who always gives her. Stocks low, taxes high-both parties talking like fools, French and English. Mrs. G. is much better. I am happy to hear that you, and your children, and Mrs. Berwick are well.-Yours, &c. H. G.

A shocking business Sunday night. A party of-(I know not what name to give the stupidity or barbarity)— rose up in two of the streets of Dublin, murdered a judge, killed his nephew, in the presence of his daughter, shot a colonel, and wounded a passenger-fled and were taken. This is getting up merely to be cut down-their hanging is of little moment-but they ruin the country. I have not

heard anything further, nor can I find out what instigators these wretches could have had.

Rev. Dr. Berwick, Castle Forbes, Longford.

Abortive insurrections have ever been the bane of Ireland, and have served only to confirm the power whose overthrow they contemplated: they gave vigour to the Anti-Catholic and Orange party, and secured their continued triumph over the people the proceeding of 1803 was miserable in its attempt, but fortunately limited in its extent, and confined to very few, and those of the lowest order. Robert Emmett was the third son of Dr. Emmett he had imbibed the political feelings of his brother, but wanted many of the qualities he possessed: devoid of caution, foresight, and prudence; ardent, spirited, and impetuous. His mind was cultivated, and his powers of eloquence were surprising, but his oratory was figurative and luxuriant, too ornamental to be argumentative, too flowery to be persuasive, yet he pleased the ear and fascinated the auditors by the fluency and richness of his language. He had no judgment, no discretion. He was an enthusiast-he was a visionary. Without a treasury, without officers, without troops, he declared war against England and France and prepared to oppose both. The one, if she sought to retain possession of Ireland, and the other, if she attempted to invade it. With a few followers he rose to take the Castle of Dublin and defeat a disciplined garrison. He put on a green coat and cocked hat, and fancied himself already a conqueror. If no lives had been lost he probably would not have suffered, although Lord Norbury was the judge who tried him: it was a schoolboy attempt, and did not merit the punishment he was doomed to suffer. He was often interrupted at the trial by Lord Norbury, but he pre