as to discover through him what steps they propose to take for the

evacuation.

I ought to thank you for your journal before I conclude. The perusal of it afforded me great pleaure. I must pray you to continue it. I much wish to have every step which led to so interesting an event as the treaty which established our Independence. And though both Mr. Jay and Mr. Adams are minute in their journals, for which I am much obliged to them, yet new light may be thrown on the subject by you, who, having been longer acquainted with the Courts both of London and Versailles, have the means of more information relative to their principles and measures.

I have the honor to be, sir, &c.,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

FROM THE CITY OF HAMBURG TO CONGRESS.*

Translation.

March 29th, 1783.

Right Noble, High, Mighty, Most Honorable Lords,

Since, by the preliminary articles of peace, concluded lately between the high belligerent Powers, the illustrious United States of North America have been acknowledged free, sovereign, and independent, and now since European Powers are courting in rivalry the friendship of your High Mightinesses,

We, impressed with the most lively sensations on the illustrious event, the wonder of this, and the most remote future ages, and desirous fully to testify the part which we take therein, do hereby offer our service and attachment to the cause.

And in the most sincere disposition of heart, we take the honor to wish, so as from Omnipotent Providence we do pray, that the most illustrious Republic of the United States of America may, during the remotest centuries, enjoy all imaginable advantages to be derived. from that sovereignty which they gained by prudence and courage.

That, by the wisdom and active patriotism of your illustrious Congress, it may forever flourish and increase, and that the High and

* The original of this singular paper is not preserved, and the translation is here given as found in Dr. Franklin's public correspondence.

Mighty Regents of those free United States may, with ease and in abundance, enjoy all manner of temporal happiness; and at the same time we most obsequiously recommend our city to a perpetual friendly intelligence, and her trade and navigation in matters reciprocally advantageous to your favor and countenance.

In order to show that such mutual commerce with the merchant houses of this place may undoubtedly be of common benefit, your High Mightinesses will be pleased to give us leave to mark out some advantages of this trading city.

Here reigns a free unrestrained republican commerce, charged with but few duties.

Hamburg's situation upon the river Elbe is as if it were in the centre of the Baltic and the North Sea; and as canals are cut from the river through the city, goods may be brought in ships to the magazines in town, and from thence again to all parts of the world.

Hamburg carries on its trade with economy. It is the mart of goods of all countries, where they can be purchased not only of good quality, but sometimes cheaper than at first hand.

Here linen, woollen goods, calicoes, glass, copper, and other numerous produce of manufactured wares of the whole German Empire, are bought in by Portuguese, Spaniards, the English, Dutch, French, and other nations, and from hence further transported. In exchange whereof, considerable quantities of North American goods, much wanted in Germany, may be taken.

M. Penet, who in your country is honored with several offices, has sojourned here for some time, and with all who had the honor of his acquaintance, borne the character of an intelligent, skillful, and for reciprocally advantageous commerce a well disposed and zealous man, will certainly have the complaisance to give your High Mightinesses further explanation of the advantages of this trading place, which we have but briefly touched upon.

We now intercessionally and most obsequiously request your High Mightinesses to favor and countenance the trade of our merchants, and to suffer them to enjoy all such rights and liberties as you allow merchants of nations in amity; which in gratitude and with zeal we will in our place endeavor to retribute, not doubting that such mutual intercourse may be effected, since a good beginning thereof is already made on both sides, by the friendly reception of the vessels that have arrived in either country.

In further testimony of our most attentive obsequiousness and sincere attachment, we have deputed our citizen, John Abraham de Boor, who is charged with the concerns of a considerable merchant house, which, like several other merchant houses of good report and solidity in this city, is desirous of entering with merchants of your country into reciprocal commerce. He is to have the honor to present to your High Mightinesses this our most obsequious missive; wherefore we most earnestly recommend him to your favorable reception. He has it from us in express charge, most respectfully to give your High Mightinesses, if required, such upright and accurate. accounts of our situation and constitutions as may be depended upon, and at the same time in person to testify the assurance of the most perfect respect and attachment, with which attentively we remain, Right Noble, High, Mighty, and most honorable Lords, your most obsequious and devoted Burgomaster and Senate of the Imperial free City of Hamburg.

Given under our City seal, the 29th of March, 1783.

DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

My dear Friend,

London, March 31st, 1783.

I send you a paper entitled Supplemental Treaty, the substance of which I sent you some time ago, as I read it in part of a speech in the House of Commons. I have given a copy of it to Mr. L., as the grounds upon which my friend, the Duke of Portland, would have wished that any administration, in which he might have taken a part, should have treated with the American Ministers. All negociations for the formation of a Ministry in concert with the Duke of Portland are at an end.

The tenth article, which is supposed to be referred to the definitive treaty, is a renewal of the same proposition which I moved in Parliament some years ago, viz: on the 9th of April, 1778. I see nothing inconsistent with that proposition, either in the Declaration of Independence or in the treaty with France. Let it therefore remain, and emerge after the war, as a point untouched by the war. I assure you my consent should not be wanting to extend this principle between all the nations upon the earth. I know full well that those nations to which you and I are bound by birth and

consanguinity, would reap the earliest fruits from it. Owing no man hate, and envying no man's happiness, I should rejoice in the lot of my own country, and on her part say to America, Nos duo turba sumus. I send you, likewise, enclosed with this, some sentiments respecting the principles of some late negociations, drawn up in the shape of Parliamentary motions by my brother, who joins with me in the sincerest good wishes to you for health and happiness, and for the peace of our respective countries, and of mankind.

Your ever affectionate,

D. HARTLEY.

Supplemental Treaty between Great Britain and the United States of North America.

1. That the British troops be withdrawn from the United States with all convenient speed.

2. That all further prosecutions of loyalists in America be immediately abated, and that they be permitted to remain until twelve months after the definitive treaty with America in safety, and unmolested in their endeavors to obtain restitution of their estates.

3. That all ports shall be mutually opened for intercourse and commerce between Great Britain and the United States.

4. Agreed on the part of Great Britain, that all Prohibitory Acts shall be repealed, and that all obstructions to American ships, either entering inwards or clearing outwards, shall be removed, which may arise from any acts of Parliament heretofore regulating the commerce of the American States, under the description of British Colonies and Plantations, so as to accommodate every circumstance to the reception of their ships as the ships of independent States.

5. Agreed on the part of Great Britain, that all duties, rights, privileges, and all pecuniary considerations, shall remain, respecting the United States of America, upon the same footing as they now remain respecting the Province of Nova Scotia, or as if the said States had remained dependent upon Great Britain. All this subject to regulations and alterations by any future acts of the Parliament of Great Britain.

6. On the part of the American States it is agreed, that all laws prohibiting commerce with Great Britain shall be repealed.

7. Agreed on the part of the American States, that all ships and merchandize of the British dominions shall be admitted upon the

same terms as before the war. All this subject to future regulations or alterations by the Legislatures of the American States respectively. 8. That all prisoners on both sides be immediately released.

9. The spirit and principles of this treaty to be supported on either side by any necessary supplemental arrangements. No tacit compliance on the part of the American States in any subordinate points to be urged at any time hereafter in derogation of their independence.

Separate Article to be referred to the Definitive Treaty.

10. Neither shall the independence of the United States be construed any further than as independence, absolute and unlimited in matters of government, as well as commerce. Not into alienation, and therefore the subjects of his Britannic Majesty and the citizens of the United States shall mutually be considered as natural born subjects, and enjoy all rights and privileges as such in the respective dominions and territories, in the manner heretofore accustomed.

Paper mentioned in the close of Mr. Hartley's Letter.

1. That it is the opinion of this House, that whenever Great Britain thought proper to acknowledge the independence of America, the mode of putting it into effect most honorably for this country would have been to have made the Declaration of Independence previous to the commencement of any treaty with any other Power.

2. That a deviation from that line of conduct has the effect of appearing to grant the independence of America solely to the demands of the House of Bourbon, and not, as was the real state of the case, from a change in the sentiments of this country as to the object and continuance of the American war.

3. That when this House, by its vote against the further prosecution of offensive war in America, had given up the point of contest, and adopted a conciliatory disposition, the pursuing those principles by an immediate and liberal negociation upon the basis of independence, at the same time expressing a readiness to conclude a general peace with the allies of America upon honorable terms, would have been the most likely way to promote a mutual and beneficial intercourse between the two countries; to establish peace