or words to that effect. What I then wrote was the spontaneous suggestion of my own mind, unsolicited, and I believe unexpected by you.

When I came here on the business of that commission I brought with me the same intentions, and should always have considered myself engaged by honor as well as inclination to fulfil them, unless I had found myself mistaken in the opinion I had imbibed of that young gentleman's character and qualifications; but that not being the case, I found myself at liberty to indulge my wishes, and be as good as my word. For I expressly declare that your grandson is, in my opinion, qualified for the place in question, and that if he had not been, no consideration would have prevailed upon me to propose or join in his appointment.

This explicit and unreserved statement of facts is due to you, to him, and to justice, and you have my consent to make any use of it that you may think proper.

I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect,

JOHN JAY.

FROM M. ROSENCRONE, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS IN DENMARK, TO M. DE WALTERSTORFF.

Translation.

Copenhagen, February 22d, 1783.

Sir,

As I know you are on the point of making a tour to France, I cannot omit warmly recommending to you to endeavor, during your stay at Paris, to gain as much as possible the confidence and esteem of Mr. Franklin.

You will recollect, sir, what I said to you in our conversations, of the high respect which all the King's Ministry have for that Minister. You have witnessed the satisfaction with which we have learned the glorious issue of this war for the United States of America, and how fully we are persuaded that it will be for the general interest of the two States to form, as soon as possible, reciprocal connexions of friendship and commerce. Nothing, certainly would be more agreeable to us than to learn by your letters that you find the same dispositions in Mr. Franklin; and in that case it seems to me the VOL. II.-27

shortest way of accelerating these new connexions would be to take the treaty between the Congress and the States General for the basis, and that Mr. Franklin should communicate to us his ideas on the changes or additions which he might think reciprocally useful in the treaty of commerce which Congress might conclude with us.

We should eagerly and frankly reply to such overtures; and as soon as the changes thus agreed on shall have met the approbation. of Congress, one of the persons commissioned by that body, then in Europe, might, in order to gain time, come here with full powers to conclude, leaving on both sides the most particular stipulations for the negociations of the Ministers which those States shall, in the sequel, send to reside with each other.

I shall finish, sir, with hoping that you may happily terminate the visits you have proposed to make to the different parts of France; and it is with sentiments of the most distinguished respect, that

I have the honor to be, &c.,

ROSENCRONE.

Sir,

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Passy, March 7th, 1783.

I but this moment hear of this opportunity by which I can only send you a line to acquaint you that I have concluded the treaty with Sweden, which was signed on Wednesday last. You will have a copy by the first good opportunity. It differs very little from the plan sent me; in nothing material.* The English Court is in confusion by another change of Ministry, Lord Shelburne and his friends having resigned; but it is not yet certainly known who will succeed, though Lord North and Mr. Fox are talked of as two, they being reconciled!! I cannot add, but that I am, with great esteem, sir, &c., B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. The change in the Ministry is not supposed of any importance respecting our definitive treaty, which must conform to the preliminaries; but we shall see.

* This treaty is printed in the public Journals of Congress, vol. 4, p. 241, under the date of July 29th, 1783.

DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

My dear Friend,

London, March 12th, 1783.

It is a long while since I have heard from you, or indeed since I wrote to you. I heartily congratulate you on those pacific events. which have already happened, and I wish to see all other final steps of conciliation succeed speedily. I send you copies of two papers, which I have already communicated to Mr. Laurens; the one called Conciliatory Propositions, in March, 1783; the other A Sketch of a Provisional Treaty of Commerce for opening the Ports between Great Britain and the United States of America without delay; to each of which is prefixed a short state of the argument on each head.

As for the news of this country, you have doubtless heard that Lord Shelburne's administration has for some time been considered as at an end, although no other has been as yet substituted in the place of it. It was understood yesterday, and I believe with good foundation, that what is now called the Portland party have been applied to, and they are now considered as the party most likely to succeed. As far as my wishes go, such an event would be most satisfactory to me. I have known the Duke of Portland for many years, and by experience I know him to be a nobleman of the strictest honor, and of the soundest Whig principles, sincere and explicit in every thought and transaction, manly in his judgment, and firm in his conduct. The kingdom of Ireland, of which he was lately Lord Lieutenant, bears unanimous testimony to this character of him. The Cavendish family, (a good Whig name) Mr. Fox, Lord Fitzwilliam, &c., &c., form the core of his system and connexions. I most earnestly wish to see a firm administration upon a Whig foundation, which I should consider as a solid basis, on the part of this country, for a perpetual correspondence of amity and conciliation with America. I am very anxious to hear of your health. God bless you.

Ever your most affectionate,

D. HARTLEY.

Conciliatory Propositions, March, 1783.

Terms of peace having been agreed upon between Great Britain

and France, on the 20th of January, 1783, there need not be any further delay in proceeding to conclude the proposed treaty between Great Britain and the United States of America, upon the basis of the provisional articles of the 30th of November, 1782.

It is to be observed, that none of the articles of the provisional treaty are to take effect until the conclusion of the definitive treaty with America, at which time likewise all places in the American States, in possession of the British arms, are to be evacuated, and the British army withdrawn from the United States, (by Article 7.) If, therefore, it should be wished on the part of Great Britain to bring forward the fifth article respecting the loyalists, before the conclusion of the definitive treaty with America, the bayonet should be withdrawn from the American breast by the voluntary removal of the British troops with all convenient despatch. This condition of the removal of the troops is likewise necessary, before any provisional terms of commerce with America can take place.

By the sixth article of the provisional treaty, all future confiscations in America are precluded, although the prosecutions at present subsisting are not to be stopped before the definitive treaty. But if the substantial pledge of returning amity on the part of Great Britain, viz the removal of the troops, should be voluntarily anticipated, it would be but reasonable that all prosecutions should be immediately abated on the part of America; and to facilitate the removal of the troops, the loyalists may be permitted to remain in safety and unmolested (if they choose to remain) from the period of removing the troops until twelve months after the definitive treaty.

There is another article of the provisional treaty, the delay of which is much to be lamented, viz: the mutual release of prisoners of war on both sides. As this is an article of reciprocity, both sides from principles of humanity are equally interested to bring it forward into effect speedily, that those unhappy captives may not alone suffer the miseries of war in the time of peace.

Upon these considerations, the following supplemental terms of a treaty between Great Britain and the United States are proposed: 1. That the British troops shall be withdrawn with all converient speed.

2. That the Commissioners on both sides do proceed to the conclusion of a definitive treaty.

3. That the Commissioners do speedily negociate a provisional

convention of commerce (hereunto annexed) to take place immediately; the terms of this temporary convention not to be pleaded on either side in the negociation of final and perpetual treaty of commerce between Great Britain and the United States.

4. That the Commissioners do negociate a perpetual treaty of

commerce.

5. That all prosecutions of the loyalists in America be immediately abated, and that they be permitted to remain until twelve months after the definitive treaty, unmolested in their endeavors to obtain restitution of their estates.

6. That all prisoners on both sides be immediately released.

7. That intercourse of amity and commerce do immediately take place between Great Britain and the United States of America.

Sketch of a Provisional Treaty of Commerce.

As soon as preliminaries of peace are signed with any independent States, such as Spain, France, and Holland, the course of mutual commerce emerges upon the same terms and conditions as were existing antecedent to the war, the new duties imposed during the war excepted. The case between Great Britain and America is different, because America, from a dependent nation before the war, emerges an independent nation after the war. The basis, therefore,

of a provisional treaty between Great Britain and the United States would be simply to arrange such points as would emerge after the war, impracticable and discordant to the newly-established independence of the American States, and to leave all others as much as possible untouched. For instance, that all instrumental regulations, such as papers, bonds, certificates, oaths, and all other documents, should be, between Great Britain and the United States, upon the same footing, and no other than as between Great Britain and any independent nation, but that all duties, drawbacks, bounties, rights, privileges, and all pecuniary considerations, should emerge into action and effect as before. I say emerge as before, not stipulated for any fixed term, because I am speaking of a provisional treaty, not of a provisional bill of commerce, for a specified period. By this means, all difficulties, which otherwise would be accumulated,