pleasure, too, in thinking that you are to be the instrument of procuring us new connexions, and beg leave to remind you of another which calls upon your attention, though it seems to have been forgotten in the hurry of business. I mean that with the States of Barbary. The good dispositions of the Court of France towards us, and the enlarged policy by which their measures are actuated, together with the coolness that at present subsists between the Emperor of Morocco and Great Britain, (if we are well informed,) seem to point out this as the favorable moment for making ourselves known to him. As Mr. Jay is now with you, I wish you would consult upon the means of bringing this about, so that we may not be shut out of the Mediterranean in future.

I know you will start a very obvious objection. But as this can only be removed by your influence where you now are, we rely upon you for the means as well as for the manner of treating. I have not thought it necessary to say anything to Congress on this subject, nor shall I, till you give me hopes that something may be done in it.

The only political object of a general nature that has been touched upon in Congress since my last, is the exchange of prisoners, which seems at present to be as far as ever from being effected. The propositions on the side of the enemy were to exchange seamen for soldiers, they having no soldiers in their hands; that the soldiers so exchanged should not serve for one year against the United States; that the sailors might go into immediate service; that the remainder of the soldiers in our hands should be given up at a stipulated price.

Congress rejected this proposal as unequal; as letting loose a force which might be employed against our allies in the West Indies; as making no provision for the payment of the large balance due to us for the maintenance of prisoners. They further required that General Carleton should explicitly declare, that the powers he gives to his Commissioners for negociating an exchange are derived from the King of Great Britain, so that any engagement for the payment of the debt they have incurred may be considered as binding upon the nation. With respect to Mr. Laurens they have come to no decided opinion; the Committee to whom it was referred reporting that, "With respect to the information contained in the extract of Sir Guy Carleton's and Admiral Digby's letter of the 2d of August, that after Mr. Laurens was discharged, he declared that he

considered Lord Cornwallis as freed from his parole,' your committee conceive it sufficient to observe, that no intimation having been received of such a fact, except from the said extract, and Congress having given no directions to that purpose, the consideration thereof would in their opinion be premature, and ought therefore to be deferred." Since which, though letters have been received from Mr. Laurens, they have come to no resolution, unless their direction to him to proceed in the business of his mission may be considered as such.

General Carleton has sent out the trial of Lippincott, which admits the murder of Huddy, but justifies Lippincott under an irregular order of the Board of Refugees. So paltry a palliation of so black a crime would not have been admitted, and Captain Asgill would certainly have paid the forfeit for the injustice of his countrymen, had not the interposition of their Majesties prevented. The letter from the Count de Vergennes is made the groundwork of the resolution passed on that subject. I shall transmit you the resolve.

I suppose I need not tell you, that the enemy contrived to get off the Eagle, and to carry her to New York. You will find in the enclosed papers a very polite letter from Captain Elphingston; it is easier to be so in word than in deed among the British. Digby has refused to permit him to comply with his engagement, at least so far as his share of the prize is concerned, and insists upon dividing the baggage of the officers, and sharing the eighth pair of breeches, &c.

On the 4th instant, Mr. Boudinot was elected President in the room of Mr. Hanson, whose term of service had expired. Mr. Lewis Morris will enclose bills purchased here at six shillings and three pence, currency, for five livres, to the amount of your last quarter's salary, ending the first of October.

I have the honor to be, sir, &c.,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Sir,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, November 21st, 1782.

Congress a few days since passed the enclosed resolution, No. 1, by which they have added Mr. Jefferson to the commission for conclud

ing a peace. The established character of this gentleman gives me reason to hope that his appointment will be very acceptable to you and the other gentlemen in the commission. I have not yet learned whether he will take the task upon him, but I have reason to believe he will, the death of his wife having lessened, in the opinion of his friends, the reluctance which he has hitherto manifested to going abroad. I think it would be proper to make a formal annunciation of this resolution to the Court of France. You will naturally give such a representation of Mr. Jefferson's character as will secure to him there that esteem and confidence which he justly merits. The resolution No. 2 needs no comment; or if it does, Mr. Morris will prove the able commentator. I resign the task to him.

For what end are the show of negociations kept up by England, when peace upon the only terms she can possibly expect to obtain it is far from her heart? Her Ministers, like some Ministers of the Gospel, who are unwilling to quit the pulpit when they have tired out their hearers, expect to keep the people together by calling out at every period, "now to conclude," while they continue the same dull tale for want of skill to wind it up.

By accounts from Jamaica, we learn that the British have recovered most of their settlements on the Bay. Some attention will, I hope, be paid in the treaty of peace to secure to us the share we formerly had in the logwood trade; it was a valuable remittance to us, and the low price at which we were enabled to sell renders it important to other nations that we should not be excluded from furnishing it as usual. You will find by the enclosed paper that Mr. Burgess, an English merchant, was not permitted to settle at Boston and obtain the rights of citizenship, upon principles which must be alarming to England. It shows at the same time the respect that is paid to the resolutions of Congress, notwithstanding all that has been said and written to prove the contrary.

I am, sir, &c.,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

P. S. I forgot to mention, that I am solicited by Mr. Barlow to transmit to you proposals for printing a work of his, which you will find described in the enclosed proposals, as they are accompanied with a specimen of his poetry, which is as much as I have seen of it. You will judge yourself how far it deserves the patronage he wishes. you to give it.

Sir,

TO RICHARD OSWALD.

Passy, November 26th, 1782.

You may well remember, that in the beginning of our conferences, before the other Commissioners arrived, on your mentioning to me a retribution for the Royalists, whose estates had been confiscated, I acquainted you that nothing of that kind could be stipulated by us, the confiscation being made by virtue of laws of particular States, which the Congress had no power to contravene or dispense with, and therefore could give us no such authority in our commission. And I gave it as my opinion and advice, honestly and cordially, that if a reconciliation was intended, no mention should be made in our negociations of those people; for they having done infinite mischief to our properties, by wantonly burning and destroying farm-houses, villages, and towns, if compensation for their losses were insisted on, we should certainly exhibit again such an account of all the ravages they had committed, which would necessarily recall to view scenes of barbarity that must inflame, instead of conciliating, and tend to perpetuate an enmity that we all profess a desire of extinguishing. Understanding, however, from you, that this was a point your Ministry had at heart, I wrote concerning it to Congress, and I have lately received the following resolution, viz:

"By the United States, in Congress assembled.

"Resolved, That the Secretary for Foreign Affairs be, and he is hereby directed to obtain, as speedily as possible, authentic returns of the slaves and other property which have been carried off or destroyed in the course of the war by the enemy, and to transmit the same to the Ministers Plenipotentiary for negociating peace.

"Resolved, That in the mean time, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs inform the said Ministers that many thousands of slaves, and other property, to a very great amount, have been carried off or destroyed by the enemy; and that in the opinion of Congress, the great loss of property which the citizens of the United States have sustained by the enemy, will be considered by the several States as an insuperable bar to their making restitution or indemnification to

the former owner of property, which has been, or may be forfeited to, or confiscated by any of the States."

In consequence of these resolutions and circular letters of the Secretary, the Assembly of Pennsylvania, then sitting, passed the following act, viz:

"State of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly.

"Wednesday, September 18th, 1782.

"The bill, entitled 'An act for procuring an estimate of the damages sustained by the inhabitants of Pennsylvania from the troops and adherents of the King of Great Britain during the present war,' was read a second time.

"Ordered to be transcribed, and printed for public consideration. "Extract from the minutes.

"PETER Z. LLOYD,

"Clerk of the General Assembly.

"Whereas great damages, of the most wanton nature, have been committed by the armies of the King of Great Britain, or their adherents within the territory of the United States of North America, unwarranted by the practice of civilized nations, and only to be accounted for from the vindictive spirit of the said King and his officers; and whereas an accurate account and estimate of such damages, more especially the waste and destruction of property, may be very useful to the people of the United States of America, in forming a future treaty of peace, and in the mean time, may serve to exhibit in a true light to the nations of Europe the conduct of the said King, his Ministers, officers, and adherents; to the end, therefore, that proper measures be taken to ascertain the damages aforesaid, which have been done to the citizens and inhabitants of Pennsylvania in the course of the present war within this State; be it enacted by the House of Representatives of the freemen of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, and by the authority of the same, that in every county of this State, which has been invaded by the armies, soldiers, or adherents of the King of Great Britain, the Commissioners of every such county shall immediately meet together, each within their county, and issue directions to the assessors of the respective townships, districts, and places within such