therefore instructed our privateers to bring in no more neutral ships, as such prizes occasion much litigation and create ill blood. The Alliance, Captain Landais, took two Swedes in coming hither, who demand of us for damages, one, upward of sixty thousand livres, and the other near five hundred pounds sterling; and I cannot well see how the demand is to be settled. In the newspapers that I send the Congress will see authentic pieces expressing the sense of the European Powers on the subject of neutral navigation. I hope to receive the sense of Congress for my future government, and for the satisfaction of the neutral nations now entering into the confederacy, which is considered here as a great stroke against England. In truth, that country seems to have no friends on this side of the water; no other nation wishes it success in its present war, but rather desires to see it effectually humbled; no one, not even their old friends, the Dutch, will afford them any assistance. Such is the mischievous effects of pride, insolence, and injustice on the affairs of nations, as well as on those of private persons! The English party in Holland is daily diminishing, and the States are arming vigorously to maintain the freedom of their navigation. The consequence may possibly be a war with England, or a serious disposition in that mad nation to save what they can by a timely peace. Our cartel for the exchange of American prisoners has been some time at a stand. When our little squadron brought near five hundred into Holland, England would not at first exchange Americans for them there, expecting to take them in their passage to France. But at length an agreement was made between the English and French Ambassadors, and I was persuaded to give them up, on a promise of having an equal number of English delivered to my order at Morlaix. So those were exchanged for Frenchmen. But the English now refuse to take any English in exchange for Americans that have not been taken by American cruisers. They also refuse to send me any Americans in exchange for their prisoners released and sent home by the two flags of truce from Boston. Thus they give up all pretensions to equity and honor, and govern themselves by caprice, passion, and transient views of present interest. Be pleased to present my duty to Congress, and believe me to be, with great respect, your Excellency's &c., B. FRANKLIN. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Passy, June 1st, 1780. Sir, Commodore Jones, who, by his bravery and conduct has done great honor to the American flag, desires to have that also of presenting a line to the hands of your Excellency. I cheerfully comply with his request, in recommending him to the notice of Congress, and to your Excellency's protection, though his actions are a more effectual recommendation, and render any from me unnecessary. It gives me, however, an opportunity of showing my readiness to do justice to merit, and of professing the esteem and respect with which I am your Excellency's, &c., B. FRANKLIN. Dear Sir, TO C. W. F. DUMAS. Passy, June 5th, 1780. The gentleman whose name you wished to know, in one of your late letters, is M. Westhuysen, Echevin et Conseiller de la Ville de Harlem. I shall probably send an order to that place for some of the types, of which you have sent me the prices, before I leave Europe. I think them very good, and not dear. A Dutch ship, belonging to Messrs. Little, Dale & Co., of Rotterdam, being brought into France as having an English cargo on board, I have followed your opinion with regard to the condemnation of the cargo, which I think the more right as the English have in the West Indies confiscated several of our cargoes found in Dutch ships. But, to show respect to the declaration of the Empress of Russia, I have written to the owners of our privateers a letter, of which I enclose a copy, together with a copy of the judgment, for your use, if you hear of any complaint. I approve much of the principles of the confederacy of the neutral Powers, and am not only for respecting the ships as the house of a friend, though containing the goods of an enemy, but I even wish, for the sake of humanity, that the law of nations may be further improved by determining that, even in time of war, all those kinds of people who are employed in procuring subsistence for the species, or in exchanging the necessaries or conveniences of life, which are for the common benefit of mankind-such as husbandmen on their lands, fishermen in their barques, and traders in unarmed vessels-shall be permitted to prosecute their several innocent and useful employments without interruption or molestation, and nothing taken from them, even when wanted by an enemy, but on paying a fair price for the same. I think you have done well to print the letter of Clinton; for, though I have myself had suspicions whether some parts of it were really written by him, yet I have no doubt of the facts stated, and think the piece valuable, as giving a true account of the state of British and American affairs in that quarter. On the whole, it has the appearance of a letter written by a general who did not approve of the expedition he was sent upon; who had no opinion of the judgment of those who drew up his instructions; who had observed that the preceding commanders-Gage, Burgoyne, Keppel, and the Howes-had all been censured by the Ministers, for having unsuccessfully attempted to execute injudicious instructions with unequal force; and he therefore wrote such a letter, not merely to give the information contained in it, but to be produced in his vindication, when he might be recalled, and his want of success charged upon him as a crime; though, in truth, owing to the folly of the Ministers, who had ordered him on impracticable projects, and persisted in them, notwithstanding his faithful informations, without furnishing the necessary number of troops he had demanded. In this view, much of the letter may be accounted for, without supposing it fictitious; and therefore, if not genuine, it is ingeniously written. But you will easily conceive that, if the state of public facts it contains were known in America to be false, such a publication there would have been absurd, and of no possible use to the cause of the country. I have written to M. Neufville concerning the bills you mention. I have no orders or advice about them, know nothing of them, and therefore cannot prudently meddle with them; especially as the funds in my power are not more than sufficient to answer the Congress bills for interest and other inevitable demands. He desired to know whether I would engage to reimburse him, if he should. accept and pay them; but as I know not the amount of them, I cannot enter into any such engagement; for though, if they are genuine Congress bills, I am persuaded all possible care will be taken by Congress to provide for their punctual payment, yet there are so many accidents, by which remittances are delayed or intercepted in the time of war, that I dare not hazard for these new bills. the possibility of being rendered unable to pay the others. With great esteem, I am, &c., B. FRANKLIN. COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN. Versailles, June 30th, 1780. Sir, I did not until this day receive the letter which you did me the honor to write to me on the 24th of this month. You request, in consequence of an application made to you by Mr. Adams, that the orders given to the Chevalier de la Luzerne relative to a resolution of Congress of the 18th of March last should be revoked, or at least suspended, as that Plenipotentiary is able to prove that those orders are founded on false reports. Mr. Adams, on the 22d, sent me a long dissertation on the subject in question, but it contains only abstract reasonings, hypothesis, and calculations, which have no real foundation, or which at least do not apply to the subjects of the King, and in fine principles, than which nothing can be less analogous to the alliance subsisting between his Majesty and the United States. By this, sir, you can judge that the pretended proofs mentioned by Mr. Adams are not of a nature to induce us to change our opinion, and consequently cannot effect a revocation or suspension of the orders given to the Chevalier de la Luzerne. The King is so firmly persuaded, sir, that your private opinion respecting the effects of that resolution of Congress, as far as it concerns strangers, and especially Frenchmen, differs from that of Mr. Adams, that he is not apprehensive of laying you under any embarrassments by requesting you to support the representations which his Minister is ordered to make to Congress. And that you may be enabled to do this with a complete knowledge of the case, his Majesty has commanded me to send you a copy of my letter to Mr. Adams, the observations of that Plenipotentiary, and my answer to him. The King expects that you will lay the whole before Congress, and his Majesty flatters himself that that assembly, inspired with principles different from those which Mr. Adams has discovered, will convince his Majesty that they know how to prize those marks of favor which the King has constantly shown to the United States. However, sir, the King does not undertake to point out to Congress the means which may be employed to indemnify the French, who are holders of the paper money. His Majesty, with respect to that, relies entirely on the justice and wisdom of that assembly. I have the honor to be, &c., DE VERGENNES. COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN. Sir, Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780. After the repeated remonstrances which you have made to Congress on the subject of bills of exchange, the enclosed resolution, we are well aware, will need an apology. We regret that you should have so much trouble, and be put to so many expedients in matters of this kind, well knowing how delicate a point it is to solicit further advances, after so many have already been made. Congress, attending to your letters and representations, have taken this step with reluctance; but the present crisis, when not only the preparations for a vigorous campaign call for large expenditures, but the expectation of a coöperating force makes great additions necessary, has induced them to risk the sum mentioned. The bills will not be drawn faster than indispensable exigencies may require, and it is to be hoped that this mode of commanding cash will not be again resorted to. We are, sir, &c., JAMES LOVELL, COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN. Sir, Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780. Congress having appointed the Honorable Henry Laurens to solicit a loan of money in the United Provinces of the Low |