March, 1835, directing the immediate survey of all the waste lands of Texas, and also the sale of a great portion (411 leagues) of the public domain ;* thus creating a public revenue without the sanction of the general congress of the Mexican nation, which was most strictly forbidden by the federal constitution of 1824.

Having, for the sake of perspicuity, taken a rapid view of the general course of political events in the Mexican republic, more or less connected with the history of Texas up to its most interesting epoch, I must now go back a little in the order of time with regard to some of the most important local events of 1832-3, in order to enable my reader to perceive that this land job of 1835, and the abolition of slavery by Mexico, were the chief causes of the separation of Texas from the republic of Mexico. Col. Austin, who was arrested in the early part of 1833 for high treason, writes to his constituency from Mexico, 25th August, 1834, stating that "the government have remedied the evils complained of in Texas, and which threatened it with ruin, and those who acted last year in good faith, and with pure intentions of separating Texas from Coahuila, are now opposed to it, because the reasons which made a separation necessary, no longer exist." He then says, that "a public act of gratitude should be expressed by the people for those remedies that have been applied

* See Appendix.

by the state and general government to the many evils that were threatening Texas with ruin; that they should discountenance in the most unequivocal manner all persons in the habit of speaking or writing in violent or disrespectful terms, or in the language of contempt or defiance of the Mexican people or authorities; and that they should discountenance all violent or disorderly politicians or men, especially all political adventurers and fanatics." He then goes on to caution them against joining in the pronouncement of the state government of Coahuila and Texas in Monclova, in June, against Santa Anna, advises them to recognise Santa Anna as president, "without mixing in the internal disputes of the Mexicans, or being led by inflammatory men, political fanatics, political adventurers, would-be great men, vain talkers, and visionary fools," and, finally, remarks, that "the farmers must (or suffer, as all hangs upon them) proclaim, with one unanimous voice, fidelity to Mexico, opposition to violent men or measures, and it will be peace and prosperity to Texas."

Col. Austin, who was himself the most crafty of the "political fanatics, political adventurers, wouldbe great men, and vain talkers," wrote in this bland style, solely to escape from the clutches of the Mexican government, and not with a view to restore tranquillity to Texas, which had now become very difficult, for, during Austin's absence, the collision between Santa Anna and the federal con

gress had taken place, and two parties had sprung up in the state of Coahuila and Texas, which were exercising the functions of government; one, the "peace party" at the seat of government in Saltillo, and the other the "war party" at Monclova. The former acknowledged the authority of Santa Anna as president of the Central Government; and the latter were opposed to both Santa Anna and the then existing government. The mere existence of such a state of things gave "the would-be officeholders sufficient opportunity of broaching their favourite scheme of separation." Mr. Edwards, in his history of Texas, says, when speaking of these political demagogues, "I think I hear the reader exclaim, as every honest, sober, peaceful citizen of Texas did at the time, Good God! what a set of deceitful, ambitious, and ungrateful men has got into our country. What! while they were sitting quietly under those very laws which they had confessed were granted to them more by courtesy than by strength in the state legislature, and that too by those very Mexicans whose prejudices are so often spoken of? Was it prejudice which granted every thing the colonists required, as far as the power of a state government could be stretched, even to that of tolerating all religions in Texas, and that, too, while the Texan members of congress were but as two to five? or was it too much for them, in the solitary instance of retaining the retail markets of their own state, for the benefit of their

own citizens, while they left those of Texas more than free to the colonists, and had just called upon them in good faith to add their strength to that constitutional party, which, by so doing, would finally prevail, and which did prevail?" The war party, however, though few in number, "were talented and systematised: closely connected and indefatigable in their endeavours to infuse suspicions against the general government, and commit their country without the possibility of a recall."

To retard the awful tendency of the false representation and rebellious spirit of these demagogues, the grand central committee of Texas, which was formed in November, 1834, and met at Columbia expressly for that purpose, issued an address, boldly denying all the charges brought against the Mexican Government, as may be seen from the following extracts :

"Allow us to ask you, as men, as husbands, as fathers, if you are prepared heedlessly to rush forward in a cause, the termination of which may involve your country of adoption in all the horrors of civil war? Are you prepared to plunge yourselves and your country into revolution, imbrue your hands in the blood of your brethren, and finally to be expelled from the land, to which we are so much attached by the strongest of ties? If you are, the plan suggested, and we have too much reason to fear, our worst anticipations will be realized!

"But from the information which we have, and which can be relied upon with confidence, we assure you that the feelings of the federal government, particularly those of the president, are of the most favourable character towards Texas. We are assured of this fact by our representative, Colonel Austin, and

the advice which he most earnestly presses upon us, is to be peaceful and quiet, and to adopt as our motto, The Constitution and Laws, State and Federal.'

"From the state government, too, we have surely received favours the most liberal, and boons the most free; in fact, what has been for our particular benefit, which we have asked, and they have not granted, which is in their power to give? It has established the trial by jury; it has organised a court especially for Texas, and if it does not answer the desired end, and make us contented, it is not the fault of the legislature.

"We ask you again, in the spirit of candour, has the government ever asked any thing unreasonable of Texas? If she has, we must, before God and our country, say, we know it not. Again, for your experimental knowledge shall bear us out, has she ever burdened you with taxes, or the performance of arduous, expensive, or perilous duties? Nay, has Texas ever borne any part of the expenses of sustaining the government, that protects her citizens, their lives, their liberty, and their property, either in legislation or in war?

"When have the people of Texas called upon the government for any law to their advantage, or for the repeal of any law by which they were aggrieved, and what their requests have been complied with?"

In the second paragraph of the address from which these extracts are taken, Colonel Austin is mentioned as the representative of the general committee; that would lead one almost to believe that the framers of the address were merely lending themselves to Austin's plans of escape from the dungeons of a prison; however, it set forth the truth in such glaring colours, that it could not fail to restore peace to the colony, which it did for a short time; but it did not do away with the