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years, when one half retired, to be renewed by a fresh election. The states' legislatures were, collectively and individually, responsible to the supreme executive power and the general congress, for the maintenance of the constitutional rights of the citizen, for the administration of justice, and the collection of the public revenue, according to the strict letter of the constitution, which prohibited the legislature of the states from entering into alliances with foreign powers, or raising or collecting imposts, or in exacting a revenue, except such as should be established under the constitution, or sanctioned by the general congress, which reserved to itself the entire control of the public revenue, and the supreme executive; which was, however, ostensibly vested in the president of the republic, who held his appointment for four years, and was not eligible to be re-elected until the expiration of four years from his retiring from the presidential chair. The president was allowed a vice-president to aid him in the discharge of the duties of his office; and a council, consisting of one half of the senate. This body was styled the council of government, to which the president referred all cases of extreme difficulty or importance, such as the proceedings of ecclesiastical councils, pontifical bulls, briefs, rescripts, &c. &c.

The council of government could at any moment call out the militia, assemble congress, and in certain cases take into its own hands the supreme

executive power. The president could not command the army or navy in person without the special leave of the general congress.

The judicial power of the republic was vested in one supreme circuit and district courts. The supreme court was composed of eleven members, elected by the general congress, and were divided into three halls, so as to discharge the duties of the supreme, and at the same time to preside over the circuit and district courts.

The first only took cognizance of public or state affairs. The circuit court was presided over by a judge and state solicitors, who were appointed by the president, and took cognizance of all admiralty cases, such as mutiny, piracy, contraband, cases of consuls, crimes, misdemeanors, and such civil cases as the government were interested in, to the amount of 500 dollars.

The republic was divided into judiciary districts, each of which had a presiding judge, and took cognizance, without appeal, of civil cases in which the confederation was interested, in a sum not exceeding 500 dollars. In addition to having original jurisdiction, which they had in all cases in which the circuit court had appellate jurisdiction, they had also the following general rules or laws laid down to them by the constitutional act. The sentence of infamy could not be extended beyond the criminal who merited it, according to law. The confiscation of estates was for ever prohibited, as also were judg

ments by commission and retrospective laws. No one could be imprisoned, unless there were reasonable grounds for supposing him criminal, nor detained in prison more than seventy hours on suspicion.

The government of every state was left to itself, subject merely to the constitution of the republic; therefore each state had its legislative body, that formed and published its own laws and decrees, without being responsible to any other body, so long as such laws were not repugnant to the constitution, or opposed to those of the sovereign congress. Hence, the remotest districts of the country could enjoy the greatest political indulgence, and a wide field was opened for that talent and energy of character which had been too long employed in working up the people to rebellion. But the Mexicans were not prepared to receive or put in motion such a ponderous mass of complicated state machinery.

This constitution, however, was taken from Santa Anna's, who left the army soon after it entered Xalapa, and retired to his country seat at Vera Cruz, in order to be ready to step into the presidential chair, but was astonished to find that the constituent general congress had not even reserved a seat for him in the executive. This his proud spirit could not brook: he therefore hastened to the capital, where he found General Lobato busy in concocting a rebellion, which, however, was prevented by the

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timely intervention of the British commission then sitting in the city of Mexico. The object of this proposed outbreak was never known; yet the mere whisper of its existence caused much uneasiness, and threw the republicans in the capital into great consternation, and the government dreaded an attempt to restore Iturbide, who was still in Mexico. A large military force was, therefore, ordered into the city, and Santa Anna and Labato were obliged to yield to the force of the government, and the able remonstrance of the British commissioners.

The plan of the constitution already described, whilst under discussion in the congress, was at first hailed by the majority of the people with great joy; but this had scarcely subsided when it was considered by some as carrying the federal system too far; by others, as centralising too much power in the capital; and by the Iturbidists and Bourbonists as destructive of their respective views and interests. It therefore underwent many modifications, not a little accelerated by revolutionary movements, occasionally got up in the provinces, at Guadulaxara, San Luis Potosi, Paxaca, Apan, &c., during the latter part of 1823, and first months of 1824. The random doings of these demagogues disgusted those who were endowed with more human understanding.

Echavari, commanding at Puebla, and Hernandez de Leon in Paxaca, indignant at these proceedings,

placed themselves at the head of their respective troops with the design of repressing the men who were abusing the confidence of the people, and of maintaining the institutions which the public voice had called into existence.

Echavari contended that it was the duty of the then existing government to allay the thirst of the people by the wisdom of their counsels, by a becoming steadiness of purpose, rather than promote the views of those revolutionists, alike strangers to patriotism and good order, by a tame submission to their unjust demands; yet he was opposed to the shedding of blood. Therefore he resolved to exert himself to accommodate matters between the government and his followers, by whom he knew he was much esteemed, and whose confidence he enjoyed, rather than to lead them to a sanguinary conflict; but this humanity of Echavari was not approved by many of his partisans.

General Lobato was the first to separate himself from Echavari, and openly called on the government for the immediate dismissal of all Spaniards from office. In the mean time the latter had compromised with Guerrero, who was sent to oppose him. Echavari's troops having followed his advice, Lobato was left without support in the capital, where he had ineffectually endeavoured by a military insurrection to intimidate the congress.

In the month of July, 1824, Iturbide, who was supposed to be at Leghorn, landed at Soto-la

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