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The Speaker's Speech on presenting the Money Bill to the King. Feb. 9. The grand Money bill being ready for the royal assent, the king came this day to the house of peers, where the Speaker of the house of commons presented his majesty with the said bill, and made the speech following:

bodies, but with their purses also: in token whereof, I do, in the name of all the commons of England, present unto your maj. this Bill, whereby we have given unto your maj. a royal aid of 2,477,500l. to be paid in 3 years, by 12 quarterly payments, to begin from the 25th of Dec. last. And we do humbly beseech your maj. to accept it, as a pregnant demonstration of our most unfeigned duty and thankfulness to your majesty."

The King's Speech. After passing the Bill, his majesty made the following short Speech: Mr. Speaker, and you Gentlemen of the house of Cominons; You have given me a very noble present, worthy of yourselves, and worthy of the Vote you passed on the 22d of April last; for which I thank you as much as is possible for me to do. I hope that your liberality herein will appear to be good husbandry. And I assure you that the monies shall be employed as you yourselves would wish. My Lords and Gentlemen; I perceive by the Bill, that you have put an engagement upon yourselves to be suddenly in the country; and therefore I desire you to hasten your councils, that so I may put an end to this session as soon as is possible. I have no more to add, but again to give you my hearty thanks."

"May it please your most excellent majesty; The last session of this parliament, the lords and commons did humbly represent unto your maj. the many wrongs and indignities that were done to your maj. and the many injuries done to your merchants, by the subjects" of the United Provinces: and did most humbly beseech your maj. that some effectual course might be taken for redress thereof.Your maj. at the opening of this session, was graciously pleased to acquaint your two houses, that, in pursuance of their desires, you had, by your agent, required satisfaction; but that way proved ineffectual, and many fresh provocations were offered, whereby your maj. was necessitated to a warlike preparation; by the speedy Dispatch whereof, you had let your neighbours see, that you could defend your self and your subjects against their insolence, upon the stock of your own credit, before your parliament came together. And now, sir, give me leave to say, your neighbours may see how a great king is made greater by his parliament. Your loyal commons, after they convened, did not suffer full four and twenty hours to pass, before they most chearfully gave your maj. more than four and twenty hundred thousand pounds.--Historians tell us, that in Biscay, a signiory of Spain, when the king entereth into the frontiers of the country, the lords and gentlemen there dwelling proffer him some few brass pieces, called Maravedis, in a leather bag hanged at the end of a lance: but withal they tell him, that he must not take them.-Great sir; Your lords and commons will not only yield obedience to you with their

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tify all the fair hopes we had of their supporting cheerfully this war, the house of commons voted the raising to his majesty, in 3 years, two millions five hundred thousand pounds sterling: but coming the next day to debate the manner of raising it, they did not agree so well, but parted late in the evening with great heat notwithstanding which, they have this day concluded very peaceably, that the committee of the whole house do proceed to consider of the raising of the 2,500,000l. in a regulated, subsidiary way, reducing the same to a certainty in all counties, so as no person for his real or personal estate be exempted. The great strife hath been between subsidies and Jand-tax: the first will make a great noise, and one of uncertain value; the last was the child of these ill times, hath been renounced since the king came home, and, at the best, is unequally laid upon all the counties; so that your excellency must not be surprised, if you hear some days have been spent in making the manner effective, since all agree in the quantum."

The King's Declaration of War against the Stutes of Holland.] Feb. 22. The parl, having thus shewn the sense of the people by this royal aid, and the hearts of the trading part of the nation being now entirely turned against the Dutch, the king ordered the drawing up of a formal Declaration of War, signed and approved this day, and is as follows:

"Whereas upon complaint of the several injuries, affronts, and spoils done by the East and West India Companies, and other the subjects of the United Provinces, unto and upon the ships, goods, and persons of our subjects, to their grievous damages, and amounting to vast sums instead of reparation and satisfaction, which hath been by us frequently demanded, we found that orders had been given to De Ruyter, not only to abandon the consortship against the pyrates of the Mediterranean seas, to which the States-General had invited us, but also to use all acts of depredation and hostility against our subjects in Africa. We therefore gave order for the detaining the ships belonging to the states of the United Provinces, their subjects and inhabitants: yet, notwithstanding we did not give any commission for Letters of Mart, nor were there any proceedings against the ships detained, until we had a clear and undeniable evidence that De Ruyter had put the said orders in execution by seizing several of our subjects ships and goods. But now finding by these fresh injuries and actings of theirs, and the intelligence we have had of their great preparations for war, and their granting of Letters of Mart against our people, that both our forbearance, and the other remedies we have used to bring them to a compliance with us, have proved ineffectual, and that they are resolved what they

is to be observed, that by the original constitution of the nation, the lords spiritual and prelates and Clergy were esteemed one of the three estates of the realm, and therefore met in Convocation on the civil account of giving their own Money, and securing their own secular rights and liberties. This right of taxing themselves, and of not being taxed by parlia

have done by wrong, to maintain by arms and war against us:-We have therefore thought fit, by and with the advice of our privy-council, to declare, and do hereby declare to all the world, That the said states are the aggressors, and that they ought in justice to be so looked upon by all men: so that as well our fleets and ships, as all other ships and vessels that shall be commissionated by Letters of Martments, had been inviolably observed before, from our dear brother the duke of York, lord as well as after the Reformation; only with high admiral of England, shall and may law- this small difference, that, after the Reformafully fight with, subdue, seize, and take all tion, their grants of subsidy, for the more cerships, vessels, and goods belonging to the tainty of collecting of them, were usually conStates of the United Provinces, or any of their firmed by acts of parliament; and yet they subjects or inhabitants within any of their ter- gave Benevolences as formerly, to be levied ritories. And we do hereby command as well and paid according to rules and constitutions all our own subjects, as advertise all other of their own making. The Rebellion in the persons of what nation socver, not to transport late reign, and the following usurpations, were or carry any soldiers, arms, powder, ammuni- the first that broke in upon this peculiar privition, or any other contraband goods, to any of lege: for the ministers of those times, either the territories, lands, plantations, or countries out of voluntary compliance, affectation of of the said States of the United Provinces; popularity, or for want of proxies to represent Declaring, That whatsoever ship or vessel shall their body, had their benefices taxed with the be met withal, transporting or carrying any laity, in the pretended parliaments then held. soldiers, arms, powder, ammunition, or other But at the king's Restoration, this antient right contraband goods to any of the territories, of the Church was recovered with him; and lands, plantations, or countries of the said thus the matter continued for the first 4 years. States of the United Provinces, the same being But now, as it appeared, some of the bishops taken, shall be condemned as good and lawful and clergy fell into sentiments very different prize. And we do farther declare, That what- from those of their predecessors. They began soever ship or vessel, of what nation soever, to think this customary method of taxing themshall be met withal, having any goods, mer- selves somewhat burthensome: they probably chandizes, or any number of persons in her thought the expectations of the court might be belonging to the said States of the United Pro- set too high upon them this way; and that the vinces, or any of their subjects or inhabitants, commons were often discontented, unless they the whole being taken, shall be adjudged as over-charged themselves, and swelled their good and lawful prize. As likewise all goods Subsidies beyond a reasonable proportion. We and merchandizes, of what nation soever, whe- shall not examine how well these jealousies ther of our own or of foreigners, that shall be were founded; but it is said, that the appreladen aboard any ship or vessel that shall be-hension of these and other inconveniences, long to the States of the United Provinces, or any of their subjects, or any inhabiting with them, and shall be taken, the whole shall be condemned as good and lawful prize; except the said ship or vessel hath ours, or our dear brother's Letters of Safe Conduct granted to them. And to the end that due intimation and publication of this our Declaration may be made, and public notice thereof be taken, it is our will and pleasure that this our present Declaration be published in due and usual form*."

Account of the Act for taxing the Clergy in Parliament.] During this session there began, says archdeacon Echard, a very extraordinary change in the liberties and properties of the Clergy of England, by altering the way of taxing themselves as formerly, and being taxed in common with the people in parliament. It

It is observable that though this Declaration was approved of by no less than 22 of the privy-council, whose names are placed in the front, yet we find that neither the chancellor Clarendon, nor the treasurer Southampton, were, or would be concerned in this great and difficult affair. Echard, p. 817.

brought abp. Sheldon, and some other leading prelates, into a concert with chancellor Clarendon, treasurer Southampton,and some others of the ministry. And now, at a consultation, it was concluded, that the Clergy should silently wave the ancient custom of taxing their own body, and suffer themselves to be included in the Money-Bills prepared by the commons: and to encourage their assent to this cession, two of their 4 Subsidies, they had granted last year, were to be remitted; and over and above they had the promise of a clause for saving their ancient rights.-This being complied with, the security was accordingly given, and a very clear comprehensive Proviso inserted in the Act for granting a Royal Aid unto the King's majesty,' which ought not to be forgot. It stands thus: Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all spiritual promotions, and all lands, possessions or revenues annexed to, and all goods and chattels growing, or renewed upon the same or elsewhere, appertaining to the owners of the said spiritual promotions, or any of them, which are or shall be charged, or made contributing to this act towards the payment aforesaid, during the time therein appointed, (which

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was to be raised, levied, and paid in the space of 3 years) shall be absolutely freed and dis-tholick would be willing to pay yearly for the charged from the two last of the 4 Subsidics exercise of his religion, and so of every other granted by the Clergy to his maj. his heirs and sect; which upon the estimate they made, successors, by an Act made in the former ses- would indeed have amounted to a very great sion of this present parliament, entitled An sum of money yearly.-The king liked the arAct for confirming of 4 Subsidies, granted by guments and the project very well, and wished the Clergy,' any clause or thing in the said act them to prepare such a Bill; which was done to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided al- quickly, very short, and without any mention ways, That nothing herein contained shall be of other advantage to grow from it, than the drawn into example, to the prejudice of the an- 'peace and quiet of the kingdom, and an entire cient rights belonging unto the lords spiritual reference to the king's own judgment and disand temporal, or clergy of this realm, or unto 'cretion in dispensing his dispensations.' This either of the said universities, or unto any col- was equally approved: and though hitherto it leges, schools, alms-houses, hospitals, or cinque had been managed with great secrecy, that it ports. Notwithstanding this saving Proviso, might not come to the knowledge of the chanwhich has expressly secured all rights, the cellor and the Treasurer, who they well knew Clergy seemed to have acquiesced for the fu- would never consent to it; yet the king resolved ture, and never after resumed their great claim; to impart it to them. And the Chancellor beand from this time, during the whole reign, the ing then afflicted with the gout, the committee Convocation met principally for form sake. that used to be called was appointed to meet The parochial Clergy however gained one pri- at Worcester-House: and thither likewise came vilege, which they had not before, which was the Privy Seal and the lord Ashley, who had their voting for members of the house of com- never before been present in those meetings.— mons: but whether they were gainers or losers The king informed them of the occasion of in the whole, has been a matter of some dis- their conference, and caused the draught, for pute; yet we think a very little consideration the Bill to be read to them; which was done, will determine whether the gaining of the latter and such reasons given by those who promoted privilege be a full compensation for the waving, it, as they thought fit; the chief of which was, if not the losing the former. That there could be no danger in trusting the king, whose zeal to the Protestant Religion was so well known that nobody would doubt that he would use this power, when granted to him, otherwise than should be for the good and benefit of the church and state.' The Chancellor and the Treasurer, as had been presaged, were very warm against it, and used many arguments to dissuade the king from prosecuting it, as a thing that could never find the concurrence of either or both houses, and which would raise a jealousy in both, and in the people generally of his affection to the Papists, which would not be good for either, and every body knew that he had no favour for either of the other factions.' But what the others said, who were of another opinion, prevailed more; and his majesty declared, That the Bill should be presented to the house of peers as from him, and in his name; and that he hoped none of his servants, who knew his mind as well as every body there did, would oppose it, but either be absent or silent: To which both the lords answered, That they should not be absent purposely, and if they were present, they hoped his majesty would excuse them if they spake according to their conscience and judgment, which they could not forbear to do;' with which his maj. seemed unsatisfied, though the lords of the combination were better pleas

Proceedings in the H. of Lords, relative to a Bill for granting Indulgences for Liberty of Conscience.] The following curious account of the Proceedings relative to a Bill for granting of Indulgences for Liberty of Conscience is given by the lord chancellor Clarendon †.

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"In the former session of the parliament,' says his lordship, the lord Ashley out of his indifferency in matters of Religion, and the lord Arlington out of his good-will to the Roman Catholicks, had drawn in the lord Privy Seal, whose interest was most in the Presbyterians, to propose to the king an Indulgence for Liberty of Conscience for which they offered two motives; the one the probability of a war with the Dutch, though it was not then declared; and in that case, the prosecution of people at home for their several opinions in Religion would be very inconvenient, and might prove mischievous." The other was, That the fright men were in by reason of the late Bill against Conventicles, and the warmth the parliament expressed with reference to the Church, had so prepared all sorts of NonConformists, that they would gladly compound for liberty at any reasonable rates and by this means a good yearly revenue might be raised to the king, and a firm concord and tranquillity be established in the kingdom, if power were granted by the parliament to the king to granted than they would have been with their conDispensations to such whom he knew to be peaceably affected, for their exercise of that religion which was agreeable to their conscience, without undergoing the penalty of the laws.' And they had prepared a schedule, in

Echard, p. 818. † Life, p. 245.

currence.--Within few days after, the Chancellor remaining still in his chamber without being able to go, the Bill was presented in the house of peers by the Lord Privy Seal, as by the king's direction and approbation, and thereupon had the first reading: and as soon as it was read, the Lord Treasurer spake against it,

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'as unfit to be received and to have the coun tenance of another reading in the house, being a design against the Protestant Religion and in favour of the Papists,' with many sharp reflections upon those who had spoken for it; and many of the Bishops spake to the same purpose, and urged many weighty arguments against it. However it was moved, That since it was averred that it was with the king's privity, it would be a thing unheard of to deny it a second reading:' and that there might be no danger of a surprisal by its being read in a thin house, it was ordered that it should be read the 2nd time upon a day named,' with which all were satisfied. In the mean time great pains were taken to persuade particular men to approve it: and some of the Bishops were sharply reprehended for opposing the king's prerogative, with some intimation, that if they continued in that obstinacy they would repent it;' to which they made such answers as in honesty and wisdom they ought to do, without being shaken in their resolution. It was rather insinuated than declared, That the Bill had been perused,' some said drawn, by the Chancellor,' and averred that he was not against it which being confidently reported, and believed or not believed as he was more or less known to the persons present, he thought himself obliged to make his own sense known. And so on the day appointed for the 2nd reading, with pain and difficulty he was in his place in the house and so after the 2nd reading of the bill, he was of course to propose the commitment of it. Many of the Bishops and others spake fiercely against it, as a way to undermine religion; and the Lord Treasurer with his usual weight of words shewed the ill consequence that must attend it, and that in the bottom it was a project to get Money at the price of Religion; which he believed was not intended or known to the king, but only to those who had projected it, and it may be imposed upon others who meant well.'-The Lord Privy Seal, either upon the observation of the countenance of the house or advertisement of his friends, or unwilling to venture his reputation in the enterprise, had given over the game the first day, and now spake not at all: but the lord Ashley adhered firmly to his point, spake often and with great sharpness of wit, and had a cadence in his words and pronunciation that drew attention. He said, it was the king's misfortune that a matter of so great concernment to him, and such a prerogative as it may be would be found to be inherent in him without any declaration of parliament, should be supported only by such weak men as himself, who served his maj. at a distance, whilst the great officers of the crown thought fit to oppose it; which he more wondered at, because nobody knew more than they the king's unshakeable firmness in his religion, that had resisted and vanquished so many great temptations: and therefore he could not be thought unworthy of a greater trust with reference to it, than he would have by this bill."

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-The Chancellor having not been present at the former debate upon the first day, thought it fit to sit silent in this, till he found the house in some expectation to hear his opinion : and then he stood up and said, 'That no man could say more, if it were necessary or pertinent, of the king's constancy in his religion, and of his understanding the constitution and foundation of the Church of England, than he; no man had been witness to more assaults which he had sustained than he had been, and of many victories; and therefore if the question were how far he might be trusted in that point, he should make no scruple in declaring, that he thought him more worthy to be trusted than any man alive. But there was nothing in that Bill that could make that the question, which had confounded all notions of religion, and erected a chaos of policy to overthrow all religion and government: so that the question was not, whether the king were worthy of that trust, but whether that trust were worthy of the king. That it had been no new thing for kings to divest themselves of many particular rights and powers, because they were thereby exposed to more trouble and vexation, and so deputed that authority to others qualified by them and he thought it a very unreasonable and unjust thing to commit such a trust to the king, which nobody could suppose he could execute himself, and yet must subject him to daily and hourly importunitics, wi ich must be so much the more uneasy to a nature of so great bounty and generosity, that nothing is so ungrateful to him as to be obliged to deny.'In the vehemence of this debate, the lord Ashley having used some language that he knew reflected upon him, the Chancellor let fall some unwary expressions which were turned to his reproach, and remembered long after. When he insisted upon the wildness and illimitedness in the Bill, he said, it was Ship-Money in Religion, that nobody could know the end of, or where it would rest; that if it were passed, Dr. Goffe or any other apostate from the Church of England might be made a bishop or abp. here, all oaths and statutes and subscriptions being dispensed with:' which were thought two envious instances, and gave his enemies opportunities to make glosses and reflections upon to his disadvantage. In this debate it fell out that the duke of York appeared very much against the Bill; which was imputed to the Chancellor, and served to heap coals of fire upon his head. In the end, very few having spoken for it, though there were many who would have consented to it, besides the Catholick lords, it was agreed that there should be no question put for the commitment; which was the most civil way of rejecting it, and left it to be no more called for.-The king was infinitely troubled at the ill success of this Bill, which he had been assured would pass notwithstanding the opposition that was expected; and it had produced one effect that was foreseen though not believed, in renewing the bitterness against the Roman Catholicks. And they, who watch

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ed all occasions to perform those offices, had now a large field to express their malice against the Chancellor and the Treasurer, whose pride only had disposed them to shew their power and credit in diverting the house from gratifying the king, to which they had been inclined; and his majesty heard all that could be said against them without any dislike. After 2 or 3 days he sent for them both together into his closet, which made it generally believed in the court, that he resolved to take both their offices from them, and they did in truth believe and expect it: but there was never any cause appeared after to think that it was in his purpose. He spake to them of other business, without taking the least notice of the other matter, and dismissed them with a countenance less open than he used to have towards them, and made it evident that he had not the same thoughts of them he had formerly. And when the next day the Chancellor went to him alone, and was admitted into his cabinet, and began to take notice that he seemed to have dissatisfaction in his looks towards him;' the king, in more choler than he had ever before seen him, told him, his looks were such as they ought to be; that he was very much unsatisfied with him, and thought he had used him very ill; that he had deserved better of him, and did not expect that he would have carried himself in that manner as he had done in the house of peers, having known his majesty's own opinion from himself, which it seemed was of no authority with him if it differed from his judgment, to which he would not submit against his reason.' The other, with the confidence of an honest man, entered upon the discourse of the matter, assured him the very proposing it had done his maj. much prejudice, and that they who were best affected to his service in both houses were much troubled and afflicted with it and of those who advised him to it, one knew nothing of the constitution of England, and was not thought to wish well to the Religion of it; and the other was so well known to him, that nothing was more wonderful than that his maj. should take him for a safe counsellor.' He had recourse then again to the matter, and used some arguments against it which had not been urged before, and which seemed to make impression. He heard all he said with patience, but seemed not to change his mind, and answered no more than That it was no time to speak to the matter, which was now passed; and if it had been unseasonably urged, he might still have carried himself otherwise than he had done;' and so spake of somewhat else."

The Speaker's Speech to the King at the Prorogation.] March 2. The Bills being ready for the royal assent, and a prorogation being resolved on, the king came this day to the house of peers, where the Speaker of the commons addressed his majesty as follows:

"May it please your most excellent majesty; The knights, citizens, and burgesses of the

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commons house of parliament, having in the beginning of this session applied themselves to the aiding your majesty in your naval preparations, have of late considered of some Bills that may be most grateful to the people, either in redressing things that are grievous to them, or in advancing their trade and commerce, which are the soul and life of the nation.-Evil manners produce good laws; but the best laws in time may grow obsolete: and such is the wicked nature of man, that when he cannot by force break through a law, he will by fraud and tricks endeavour to evade it.-I may with great truth affirm, the Common Law of England is the best municipal law in the world and yet, if the legislative power were not ready to countermine the works, and make up the breaches that are daily made upon it, the sons of Zeruiah would be too strong for us.— We have now presented your maj, with several Bills for the Regulation of the Law, which will serve to prune some exuberant branches, and to pull away the ivy that robbed this tree of her just nourishment: and if your majesty now be pleased graciously to shine upon her, she will yield her fruit in great abundance, to the content of your majesty and all your people.-Cosmographers do agree, that this Island is incomparably furnished with pleasant rivers, like veins, in the natural body, which conveys the blood into all the parts, whereby the whole is nourished, and made useful; but the poet tells us, he acts best, qui miscuit utile dulci:' therefore we have prepared some Bills for making small Rivers navigable; a thing that in other countries hath been more experienced, and hath been found very advantageous: it easeth the people of the great charge of land carriages; preserves the highways, which are daily worn out with waggons carrying excessive burdens; it breeds up a nursery of watermen, which, upon occasion, will prove good seamen; and with much facility maintain intercourse and communion between cities and countries.-We have been much affected with the cries and wants of the poor this hard season, especially those about this town, who are ready to starve for want of fuel, the price of coals being so unreasonably enhanced by the extorting engrossers. We have, therefore, for their present and future ease, prepared a Bill authorizing the lord mayor and the court of aldermen in the city of London, and 3 justices of peace in the country, whereof one to be of the quorum, from time to time, to set the prices of Coals, having regard to the price paid to the importer, and other emergent charges.And now, great sir, having finished our present councils, we hope your majesty will give us leave to return for a time into our countries, where, in our several spheres, we shall be ready to serve you with our persons and our purses, and also with our prayers to the great God of Hosts, that he will be pleased to strengthen your hands in the day of battle, and make your majesty victorious over all your enemies both at hoine and abroad."

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