nation, demanded an audience of the king. Upon this one of the ladies of the bedchamher instantly arofe, and went to awake his majesty, informing him, with much trepidation, that it was by the orders of the marquis del Borgo, who was then expecting him in an antichamber, to confer with him concerning affairs of the highest moment. The king arole immediately, and entered his clofet, after having giving orders to admit nobody but the marquis only. He was then informed by that minifter, that the king his father intended the next day to refume the crown; and that he had commanded him to restore into his hands the act of abdicati. on, and, at the fame time, to announce his refolution to his majefty and his minifters. The king immediately replied to the marquis, without any emotion, "That fince he had afcended the throne by his father's command, and with the univerfal approbation of the people, he held it to be a duty which he owed them, to confult their fentiments before he refigned his fovereignty." And as the shortness of the time required decifive measures, he immediately commanded the attendance of the minifters of state, the Archbishop of Turin, the two firft prefidents, and the other general officers of the crown, in order to deliberate in

full council on an affair of fuch delicacy and importance, on which depended the happiness and tranquility of the realm. Thofe minifters having affembled with all poffible dispatch, the king communicated to them the intentions of Amadeus, informing them at the fame time, that, for his own part, in order to convince his father of his filial obedience, and of his entire refignation to his will, he was ready to furrender to him his crown; but that this was a step which he could not refolve to take without previously confulting their inclinations and opinions. Upon this all the members of that illuftious affembly arofe, and after teftifying their deep lenfe of the deference which his majefty had paid them by a low bow, the archbishop, in the name of the reft, spoke to the following effect: "That fince his majefty had permitted them to declare their fentiments upon the fubject which was the occafion of their meeting at that time, it ap peared to him, that Amadeus having, more than a year ago, voluntarily furrendered the crown in the moft folemn manner that could be devifed, and for the reafons fet forth by himfef, in his fpeech on that occafion (which was inferted in the act of abdication) it appeared to him, he said, that the king could not poffibly have any juft or reasonable moive at that time to refume the crown; fince he must have been fully fatisfied with his majesty's administration, which had been equally agreeable to his fubjects, and cal culated to promote the ease of king Ama

dues, who enjoyed the fubmiffion and refpect due to a fovereign, without being fubjected to the troubles and cares which attend that exalted station: that, for these reasons, though that prince had so foon retracted what he had folemnly fworn to observe inviolably, he did not appear tobe influenced by jaft and reasonable motives; and that he ftrongly fufpected that he was inftigated in this affair only by the boundlefs vanity of the marchionefs his wife, who had often, fince her marriage, betrayed an eager defire to be declared queen: that, as they had every reafon to believe this to be the cafe, his majesty was in honour and duty bound to preferve the crown, and to prevent his fubjects from falling a prey to the infatiable ambition of a mischievous woman: that he could not help admiring and applauding that dutiful fubmiffion which his majesty proteffed to the will of his father; but that, in this inftance, his obedince, instead of meriting applause, would become the object of cenfure, as it would prove ruinous to his his own interests, and to thofe of his people: that the interest of the public fhould ever regulate the actions of a fovereign; and that he ought to reject, without a fcruple, every meafure that tended to obltruct this general view.”

(To be continued)

Account of the Morlacchi; from Travels into Dalmatia, by L'Abbe Fortis.

(Continued from p. 716.)

Of the Food of the Morlacchi.

MILK

ILK coagulated in various ways, is the ordinary nourishment of the Morlacchi; they fometimes give it an agreeable acid by the infution of vinegar, whereby the curd becomes extremely refreshing; and the whey is their favourite common drink, nor is it at all unpleasant to a flranger's taste. When a guest arrives unexpectedly, their readieft and beft difh, is new cheefe fried with butter. They are not much accultomed to bread baked after our manner, but they make cakes of millet, barley, Indian corn, and fometimes of wheat, which they bake, or toall on the hearth every day, for prefent ufe; but wheaten bread is hardly ever teen in the cottages of the poor. They make a large provifion of our cabbages, like thofe ufed in Germany; and roots, and all kinds of efculent herbs, which they find in the woods, or in the fields, ferve them for a cheap and falutary diet. But garlick and fhalots are the food most univerfally pleafing to that people, next to roast meat, which is their moft luxurious difh. I remember to have read fomewhere, that Stilpo, being reproved for going to the temple of Ceres, after having eaten garlick, which was forbid, answered; give me fomething better, and

I will

I will leave it off." But the Morlacchi would not accept even of that condition; and if they did fo, it is more than probable they would repent its for it is reafonable to think, that the conftant ufe of thefe plants, corrects in part, the bad quality of their water, and contributes to keep them long healthy and robuft. Nothing is more common in that country, than to fee very old men, ftrong, active and lively to an extraordinary degree; and I am inclined to think that this is partly owing to the garlick, and their regular vegetable diet. Yet, notwithstanding the large quantity of onions, garlick, and fhalots which the Morlacchi confume, it is wonderful to observe, that in their own vaft and rich fields, not one of thefe articles is produced; and thus they find themfelves obliged, year after year, to give away no inconsiderable sum to the people of Ancona, and Rimini, which might fo eafily be faved. -It would certainly be a falutary violence, or rather an act of paternal charity, to force them to cultivate thofe products, without which they cannot live, and which require fo fmall a degree of industry. It would perhaps be looked upon with derifion, if on this occafion, premiums were offered them to ferve themselves; and yet, that is doubt lefs the best and easiest way of improving agriculture.

A late governor-general of Dalmatia in troduced and encouraged the cultivation of hemp in Morlacchia, and it fucceeded well; but the public encouragement not continuing, induftry only decayed, and now only a finall voluntary cultivation goes on, which nevertheless somewhat diminishes the fum required to purchase foreign linen, and main tains a few looms in the country.

Many a Macrobius is to be found in Morlacchia, especially on the brows of hilis, where the purity of the air joined to frugality and a laborious life, lengthens out old age without infirmity. Yet I did not find, nor indeed enquire after a Dandon; tho' I thought I saw more than one old man who might be compared to the old English Parr; but the Morlacchi are fo carelessly ignorant, that they can give no account of their own age, long before they come to that period of their existence.

Of the Utenfils, Cottages, Cloaths, and

Arms of the Morlacchi.

A Morlack in easy circumstances has no other bed than a coarfe blanket made of goats hair, and of Turkish manufacture; very few of the richest people in the country have fuch a piece of luxurious furniture as a bed after our fashion; and there are N T E. *Alex. Cornelius memorat Dandonem Illyricum D. annos vixiffe, Plin. 1. vi, c. 48.

not many who have fo much as a bedstead; which however, when they happen to get made in their rough manner, they fleep in, between two goat hair blankets, without sheets, or any other bedding. The greatest part of the inhabitants content themselves with the bare ground, wrapt in the ufual blanket, and only fometimes a little ftraw under it. But in fummer they chufe to fleep in the open air, perhaps to be delivered from the domestic infects. Their houthold furniture confits of few and fimple articles, fuch as fhepherds and peasants, httle advanced in arts, require. Their houfes are not often covered with titles, or flates; and when they have any beams intended to support a fecond floor, the family's wardrobe is placed on them, and may be imagined well provided where there is fo much manificence; yet the ladies fleep on the floor, even in fuch noble houfes. I have been lodged in one of them, where feveral of thefe women were grinding corn till past midnight, fcreaming certain diabolical fongs, in the fame place where I was laid to fleep, and where ten others were ftretched on the ground, and actually faft afleep, notwithstanding the frightful vociferation. The Morlacchi, who have little or no correfpondence with the fea towns, and are at a great diflance from them, have feldom any other houses but cottages covered with straw, or zimble; fo they call a kind of laths, ufed instead of tiles. The animals inhabit the fame cottage divided from the mafters, by a flight partition made of twigs, and plaiftered with clay, and the dung of cattle; the walls of the cottage are either of the fame materials, or of large ftones laid one upon another, without cement.

The fire-place ftands in the middle of the cottage; and the smoke finds its way out at the door, there being rarely any other aperture. Hence every thing within thefe wretched habitations is varnished with black, and loathfome with smoke; not excepting the milk, which forms a great part of their fuftenance, and of which they are very libe. ral to strangers. Their cloaths, perfous, and every thing, in fhort, contract the fame finokey finell. The whole family fits round this fire-place, in the cold feafon; and, when they have fupped, lay themfelves down to fleep in the fame place where they fit at fupper; for, in every cottage, they have not even benches to fit, and to lie upon. They burn butter instead of oil, in their lamps; but for the mott part they ufe pieces of cleft fir, in lieu of candles, the fmoke of which fometimes tinges their multaches curiously. A very few rich Morlacchi have houses in the Turkish fashion, with ftools, and fome few of our moveables; but in general, the richest of them live but a favage kind of

life.

life. Although they have no idea of cleanIinefs in their habitations, yet, in one refpect, they are nicer than we are ; nor do they fail to reproach us on that account, and call us barbarous, and beastly; and it is a real fact, that no man, nor woman of that nation, let the disorder be ever fo fevere, or painful, was ever known to eafe nature within the cottage; even dying perfons are carried out to perform that operation in the open air; and if a stranger fhould, through ignorance, or contempt, pollute their houfe in that manner, he would scarcely escape with his life, and certainly not without very

ill treatment.

A Morlacco clothes himself with great plainnels and œconomy. The opanke ferve for fhoes, both to men and women, and under them they wear a kind of fhort woollen flocking, called navablaza, which reaches above the ancle, and join to the breeches, whereby all the leg is covered. The breeches are of coarte white ferge, and they draw them tight about their wait, like a purfe, by means of a woollen ftring. Their fhirt is very short, and over it they wear a fhort doublet, which they call caferma; and in winter they add a kind of fhort cloak, made of very coarfe red cloth, and call it kabaniza, or japungia. On their head they wear a red cloth cap, and above it, a fort of cylindrical turban called kalpak. They have their heads, leaving only a fmall tuft behind, like the Poles and Tartars. They bend their Joins with a strong reticular fillet of woollen yarn, and fometimes of filk: and in this fillet, or bandage, and their breeches, they carry all their neceffary implements; fuch as one or two piftols fuck in behind, and before a very large knite, which they call banzar, with the handle of brafs, fet round with falfe ftones. This knife is often made falt to a light brafs chain rolled about the bandage; and near it is placed a horn, with greafe for their arms, or for themfelves. follows a little bag with the tinder box, and money, if they have any; and then their tobacco in a dried bladder. The tobacco pipe is placed behind, the reed ftuck in below their fhirt, and the bowl appears without. No Morlacco ever goes out of doors without his gun upon his fhoulder.

The chiefs of the nation, however, are better dreffed.

On a Microscope for the Mind.

By the late Dr. Langhorne.

T were to be wifhed that we could extend the philofophy of optics fo far as

to procure a microfcope for the mind; but I would have the ufe of it lie under these reftrictions. In the first place, no fool, reputedly fuch, fhould be permitted to apply it, any more than a fword thould be put into the hands of a madman; for the fight might make him miferable, but it would not make him wife. In the next place, I would have it fo conftructed, that it could not be applied to the breaft of another, for that would break in pieces the whole chain of fociety.- -Men and wives, parents and children, brothers and filters, would, in many a family, be at open war, peace would entirely defert the court, and the would fcarce find refuge in the hamlet.The competitors for wealth and power would be shocked with the execrable withes and defigns of each other; and the hardhanded peafant would behold his neighbour thirsting for his funeral and his farm. Nevertheless, there are two characters to whom I would have it applied, viz. the fanatic, and the flatterer; and, at the fame time, I would have them fenfible of its application. Such ridiculous circumftances would be the moit adequate punifliment imaginable.

I own there are a few more characters to which, out of mere curiofity, I could wish to apply the mental microscope. I fhould like, methinks, to have a peep at the mind of an antiquarian. I imagine I should fee the twelve Cæfars fitting as regularly on his ideas, as they hang in the hall of a history painter. Perhaps a leg cr an arm of a mummy might be found lurking in a corner, which, as it had been stolen from one of his brethren, he was endeavouring to hide from his confcience. were a thorough-bred connoiffeur, I should fee as many strings ftretched across his ideal apartments, as there are in the drying-room of a laundrefs, for the fufpenfion of fnails, cockle fhells, worms, feathers, and butterflies; all which, I ween, would make a goodly fight.

If he

Next to this refpectable perfonage, I would chufe a mifer for my fpeculation; for though it might be eafy to guels at the general furniture of his mind, yet it would be curious to fee the difpofition of that furniture, to mark in what fnug repofitories, bonds, bills, and deeds of mortgages were laid up; to behold the fubtle labyrinths that were pregnant with fchemes of cent. per cent, and to fee Calculation fitting on the memory with a table of compound intereft in

her hand.

The

ter was marked by the inftructions given with refpect to his being protected, which was limit ed to his not forfeiting the right to by any ac of infidelity, and his not making any attempt to defeat the effects of the negociation with the Marattas.

berative feat in their councils, and feems to have entered very ipeedily into the fpirit of that prefidency, to which his military fituation and habits no doubt contributed. Before he entered upon the duties of his new office as plenipotentiary, he communicated to Calcutta an account of the diftracted ftate of the Maratta affairs, the diffenfions by which the court of Poonah was torn to pieces, and pointed out the great advantages that might be derived from that fituation. He did not extend his views fo far for the prefent as to a total revolution in the Poonah government, but fhewed the weak state of the Maratta frontier on the quarter where he commanded, and pointed out the eafe with which valuable conquefts might be made, particularly on the Guzerat fide, during this featon of weakness and inteftine diforder.

In the mean time, he notified to the court of Poonah the powers and inftructions he had received for accommodating matters; but before an anfwer could be returned, the old torch of difcord fuddenly and unexpectedly blazed up again between the parties; Ragonaut Row having made his escape from the custody of Madajee Sindia, and flying, in the beginning of June, for refuge and protection to general Goddard's camp near Surat. It appears that Bombay, fmarting under a fenfe of the cenfure arifing from the late misfortune, did not choose to hazard the charge of embroiling matters farther by receiving Ragonaut. at a time when a fcheme of accommodation had been adopted and was propofed to the Marattas. Thus, however unwilling to lofe him, they were, in the prefent delicate circumstances, glad to hit the responsibility to Goddard, while Ragonaut himself could not conceal, how much he would have preferred a renewal of the connection with them, to a dependance on the fupreme council.

It was only a little before Ragonaut's efcape, that the Paifhwa and Madajee Sindia had written to the prefidency of Bombay, informing them of their immediate preparation and intention of marching against Hyder Ally, hoping fufficiently to avenge all the injuries they had received from him; at the fame time expreffing the moft earnest defire of amicably fettling all differences with the British government.

The protection afforded to Ragonaut by gereral Goddard was approved of at Calcutta, and the former was affured of its continuance; but his political fituation with refpect to the company was totally altered. All ideas of adopting his projects of revolution, and of fupport in his ambitious defigns were at an end; and he was now only confidered as an inftrument, that might be rendered in fome degree ufeful, whether in renewing the war, or in fettling the terms of peace. It was, however, determined, that whenever the latter event took place, a fuitable provifion should be made for him by the Marattas, and to be paid to him at whatever place he should choose to refide. So widely were things now changed from what he had experienced at Bombay, that the allowance of 50,000 rupees a month, (fomething about 6000l. fterling) allotted for his fupport by general God lard, was highly difapproved of by the fupreme council; and that commander was ordered to reduce it within very narrow limits. Ragonaut's charac

The unexpected arrival of Ragobah in the British camp, and the protection neceffarily atforded to him as a fugitive, was early announced at the court of Poonah. That government, however, agreed to fend agents to the camp, in order to open the negociations with general Goddard. This, however, was flowly done; and fome fymptoms began to appear which feemed to indicate, that the defire of accommodation on that fide was by no means growing ftronger. The agents did not arrive in the camp until the middle of Auguft; and fo much time was loft through the fending of metengers to Poonah upon every difficulty that arofe, together with the very flow return of anfwers from thence, that the negociation was fpun out, without any point being conclufively fettled.

In the mean time, all the hopes of an alliance with Moodajee Boofia, were now as totally frultrated as they had been in the firft inftance. General profeffions of friendship and goodwill, were all that could be obtained from that prince excepting, indeed, advice, of which he was by no means fparing. This conftantly tended to a fpeedy accommodation with the court of Poor.ah; the wifdom and even neceffity of which he took no imall pains to explain. He was uncommonly earnest upon this fubje&t; offering to be himself both the mediator and guarantee; and engaging, effectually to fettle the differences, and to cure all the jealoufies on both fides. The refufal of his mediation was not likely to increase his attachment.

In the mean time the foundations were laying down of that dangerous league, which was to combine all the princes of any confideration.and power in India, in a general confederation for the downfall of the company, and the final extermination of the English. It required a long feries of events, tending to irritation, jealouly and alarm, and to infufe an idea, not of partial, but of general danger, to unite fuch difcordant interefts, and hoftile difpofitions, in any scheme of reciprocal benefit, and mutual action. these too many inftances were unhappily afforded. Some we have feen; others did not come within the line of our arrangement. Hiring out the company's troops for the extermination of the Rohilla nation; the motives which caufed the elevation of Sujah Dowla, to great additions of wealth, power, and dominion; together with the ftripping of the Mogul, of the ftipend which had been allotted to him by themselves as a tribute for the kingdom of Bengal, although the fanction of his name and authority, which they obtained by it, was of infinitely greater value to them in the government of the country, thefe, with other charges of a fimilar nature, were held out, in the public confultations of the native chiefs, to fhew the dangers to be apprehended from a people, whom they reprefented as being fo perfidious and rapacious, that they trampled upon all laws human and divine, which ftood in the way of their ambition or intereft.

The