his countrymen in the east, he took the advice of the Governor and sailed for Europe.

What were the exact grounds of dissension between Boschhonder and the Directors of the Dutch East India Company, may be more readily conjectured than ascertained. It is clear that the airs of importance assumed by the Prince of Mingone were, to the last degree, offensive to those merchant princes, who looked upon him, in spite of all his assumptions of dignity and consequence, as little more than their hired servant. His barbaric rank, and the state he affected in virtue of it, moved their ridicule rather than respect; and however just his representations of the value of the territory, which he swayed as prime minister, and however reasonable his demands for aid in acquiring it for his country, the tone in which the appeal was made provoked a desire to mortify rather than to assist him. Piqued and disgusted, he withdrew from the Hague, and in a fit of resentment offered his services to Christian IV., king of Denmark, who received his overtures with great good-will, showed him every mark of favour, and even stood godfather to his infant son, who was born at Copenhagen, of a marriage contracted during his otherwise unpropitious visit to his native land.

With a ship and a yacht, placed at his disposal by Christian, and followed by five other vessels, fitted out by the Danish East India Company, and commanded by a nobleman named Gule Gedde, Boschhonder and his young wife, rejoicing in the title of Princess of Mingone, set out for the scene of his past grandeur, and, as he fondly hoped, of his future prosperity and glory. But, alas, for the vanity of human anticipations! he sickened on the voyage and died. His infant son shared his father's fate. Gule Gedde, after a tedious and painful voyage of twenty-two months, cast anchor in the bay of Cotjaar, and despatched a messenger to the Emperor, informing him of the Prince of Mingone's death, and of the force which he himself had now to place at his majesty's disposal. The terms of agreement between Boschhonder and the Danish king were also explained, by which it was stipulated that the Emperor of Kandi should indemnify the European monarch for the ships supplied to his envoy.

Great was Camapati's grief on hearing of the loss of his able and valued minister; great was his self-reproach at having permitted him to leave his dominions. But great, also, was his rage at the sum demanded of him for the ships. He disclaimed all share in the transaction, refused to ratify the treaty with Denmark, and would hold no further communication with the commanding officer.

Attributing to the deceased Boschhonder the loss and disappointment he had encountered, Gule Gedde gave way to all the vindictiveness of a mean malignant mind. He declared all his property confiscated to the Danish king. He caused his remains to be interred in an indecent and contemptuous manner; to those, however, of his sovereign's godson he showed more respect. As for the poor Princess of Mingone, whose visions of rank and grandeur were thus suddenly closed, she was despatched with little ceremony to the court of Kandi. Here she remained for seven years, treated with hospitality and kindness for her husband's sake; and was then permitted by the emperor to embark on board the vessel of a Danish admiral visiting the coast, and was by him conveyed to Tranquebar. Gule Gedde, discomfited and disgraced, returned home.

The Portuguese were not slack in taking advantage of the unprotected condition in which the Emperor of Kandi was now placed. A strong fort erected on the bay of Trincomalee, and another at Batilico, completed their circuit of defences at all the points of the island where a descent seemed practicable, so as to cut off the communication of foreigners with the interior. These works, built with materials taken from the ruins of magnificent pagodas, are to this day objects of curiosity and interest. Having thus secured themselves, as they believed, from interference from without, they commenced the offensive. In 1630 Don Constantine de Saa led a powerful army into the province of Uda, which he ravaged with little opposition. But with the usual tactics of barbarians, the Kandian troops, commanded by the emperor's three sons, dogged their retreat, and incessantly harassed their rear. The cowardly Cingalese deserted, carrying off their booty. The assailants chose their own time and ground for a general attack. A violent storm of rain rendered useless the fire-arms of the Portuguese, who were thus exposed, without means of resistance, to the shower of arrows and darts poured upon them from all sides. Before the rout became a flight, a Cingalese recruit, watching his opportunity, smote off the head of the general De Saa, as he strove gallantly to regulate the retreat, and carried it on a drum to the victors. This crowning victory cast a glory on the last days of Camapati, who died within a short time after he had been gladdened by the tidings.

After his decease his dominions were divided among his three sons; but by the premature death of the eldest, the Prince of Uda, and the mental imbecility of the second son, the whole territory fell under the dominion of the youngest and bravest of the family, Rajah Singha Adassyn. He soon found that he had no security against the stealthy advances of the Portuguese.

Year after year the distance was manifestly diminishing which separated the European outposts from the Kandian capital. His mind turned towards his father's former allies; and he despatched a letter to the Dutch commander on the coast of Coromandel, containing overtures for an alliance. This letter, conveyed by a Brahmin with no small difficulty and peril, so closely was every outlet watched by the Portuguese, was six months in reaching its destination. The communication was very gratifying to the Dutch, who lost no time in conveying some deputies to Ceylon, and securing their safe transit to the emperor. Eight days' residence in Kandi, and continual communications with his majesty, served to establish friendly relations between them, and to settle the preliminaries of a future treaty. A joint attack upon Batilico was agreed upon; and the success of that enterprise was to form the basis of the compact.

Such an important interview and its results could not long elude the vigilant eyes and ears of the Portuguese; and it was judged advisable to paralyse the Kandians by a decisive blow before the arrival of their allies. An army of 2,300 whites and mestizos, and about 6,000 Cingalese, marched towards Kandi. The emperor followed the ordinary course of native tactics: he retired as the enemy advanced, leaving the road open before them. Untaught by experience, the Portuguese pressed confidently forward, gained the capital city, butchered what few inhabitants remained in it, and loaded themselves with its spoil. Then follows the repetition of the oft-told tale. On essaying to return they found every road blocked up with fallen trees, behind which showers of arrows and darts flew from invisible hands. The native levies, panic-stricken, threw down their arms and fled. The Portuguese, on reaching the foot of a hill called Gamaru, found further advance impossible, while a ceaseless fire of missiles thinned their ranks as they stood helpless and unresisting. The generals sent two monks to endeavour to obtain some tolerable terms for them, at least that their lives should be spared. But the answer they brought back was death to hope. "What is to be done?" exclaimed De Melo, in an agony of terror, to his brother in command. "To die like men," was the stern reply of Bottado, the adviser of the expedition. In an instant afterwards the exulting troops of Rajah Singha, commanded by himself, threw themselves in a body upon the weakened and disheartened foe, and put all to the sword, except a few who were spared by the royal mercy or caprice. When the slaughter was ended, the emperor, seated on a rude throne under a tree, contemplated his victory, while his soldiers brought the heads of the slain from the field of battle and piled them in a pyramid before him.

EARL GREY AND THE CANADIAN CHURCH.

OUR last number contained a copy of the Memorial to the Queen from the Clergy and Laity of the Diocese of Quebec, against the alienation of the property belonging to the Church in Canada. This property, a small portion of that which was set apart by King George III. for the maintenance of a Protestant clergy, had been formally confirmed to the Church by an Act of the Imperial Parliament in 1840.

This, it will be remembered, was the year in which the important measure of the Union of the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada was passed; and it was considered of the last importance that the long-agitated question of the Clergy Reserves should then be finally set at rest. That the Act, 3 & 4 Vict. chap. 78, was intended by all parties as a permanent settlement of the question, and was assented to by the Church, on this definite understanding, is indisputable. "Lord John Russell in asking leave to bring in the Bill, May 28, 1840, said, . course if these propositions should be adopted, the whole matter might be considered as finally settled." On the second reading, the same noble Lord said, "It was thought desirable.

of

to settle the question in such a manner as to promote the religious instruction of the people, and procure the permanent settlement of the dispute. In this sense, too, the Act was understood in the Colony.

1 Hansard, vol. liv. p. 706.

2

2 Ibid. p. 1188.

3 That the Act was accepted as a final settlement by the Assembly of the Province is shown by the following important document :

"Chamber of the Legislative Assembly of Canada, Montreal, 29th April, 1846.

"Mr. Petrie, from the Select Committee, to which was referred the Petition of George Roe, and others, of the County of Russell, and other references, presented to the House the Report of the said Committee, which was again read at the Clerk's table, and is as followeth :

'Your Committee find, with great regret, from the numerous Petitions laid before your honourable House, that the long-agitated question of the Clergy Reserves has again become a subject of discussion and contention in this Province. The excitement which so unhappily existed on this subject for many years, and which produced such disastrous consequences to the peace and prosperity of the Province, was at length set at rest by the Imperial Statute 3d and 4th Victoria, chap. 78.

The Imperial Legislature intended that Statute to be a final settlement of the question; and notwithstanding the inequality of the division, it was accepted by the inhabitants of the Province as such.

Under these circumstances it is deeply to be regretted that the Church Societies of the Dioceses of Quebec and Toronto should have adopted the course of again agitating the question, by claiming the absolute and uncontrolled conveyance to the Church of England of a share of the Clergy Reserves, according to the proportion of funds assigned by the Imperial Act for the benefit of that Church.

Your Committee beg leave to quote from the Select Committee on the same subject, which was presented to this House during the last Session, as conveying

The Act then was a compromise between the claims of the Democracy and the rights of the Church: but what faith can for the future be reposed in the assurances of Ministers or Parliaments, if as soon as a large sacrifice has been made by one party for the sake of peace, the whole settlement is to be disturbed at the desire of the other?

But truer principles of colonial government have recently been discovered; and they have taught us the wisdom of allowing important provinces settled mainly by our own race, such as Canada, to regulate their own affairs. The truth of these principles we are ready to acknowledge; and we desire to see them more largely acted upon in the affairs of the Church as well as of the State. But they are, surely, not entitled to a retrospective operation. The responsible government and the democratic principles of 1851 are, surely, not to be allowed to disturb and upset all previous covenants. Faith should be kept as to past transactions, whatever be the system of policy which the colonists propose to adopt for the future. It is possible that the power of dealing with ten or twenty thousand a-year of Church funds may be dearly purchased at the cost of public honour.

Canada is starting on a great career-does she wish the first chapter of her history to be stained with a second instance of spoliation and robbery? Is Canada preparing for independence and self-government by violating trust deeds and the rights of property? Let her remember the indignant words of Mirabeau, They would fain be free-but do not know how to be just." Let her remember, too, the example of her republican neighbours. The property of the corporation of Trinity Church,

66

in concise yet forcible language the objections which offer themselves to the proposed division.'

(The extract follows, but is here omitted, as not necessary to the object in view)

'Your Committee are therefore unanimously of opinion, that the division sought for by one out of the many denominations interested in the said Lands is inadvisable, and they strongly recommend that no change or deviation from the present system should be sanctioned by the Legislature.'

Truly extracted from the Journal of the Legislative Assembly of Canada, of 1846, page 177.

Although the Petition of the United Church of England and Ireland in the Province was refused, yet this Report, which was adopted, establishes the following points :

1. That the question of the Clergy Reserves was considered by the Imperial Parliament finally settled by 3d and 4th Victoria, cap 78.

2. That it was accepted as such final settlement by the inhabitants of the Province of Canada.

3. A strong recommendation is added that no change or deviation from this settlement be sanctioned by the Legislature.

NO. XLVI.

G G

JOHN TORONTO."