stead of 80s. In the other three years of fair harvests— 1815, 1816, and 1819-we had actually exported 428,000 quarters beyond the quantity of corn imported in the other two years. So that in those years, when the price had been under 808., we had been totally independent of foreign supply, and the low price must have depended, not on foreign competition, but on the improvement of agriculture, which had taken place during the war. The present law was, therefore, perfectly effectual, with a protecting price of 80s.; because in those ordinary years the result would not have been different, if the protecting price had been above 80s., and in the years of scarcity, notwithstanding the importations, the price had been much above the which had been thought sufficient by the agriculturists.

sum

When it was considered how grave a subject of discussion this was, in the present state of the country, and how dangerous and delicate it was to move in it, he would ask, whether the agriculturists could make out a case of necessity, to induce the House to unsettle what had been established, when, after accepting 80s. as a protecting price, they had come to state, that the actual price had been, on the average of five years, 78s. 6d.-being only 18. 6d. per quarter less than they had demanded? When, too, the expense of cultivation had diminished, in many articles, probably 18. 3d. per quarter-when heavy direct taxes had been removed when the agriculturist ought to expect rather a diminution than an increase of the protecting price-was it not too much that the House should, in such a case, be called upon to enter into an inquiry? Though it might be said, that no harm could be done by an inquiry, yet it was impossible for them to divest their minds of the scope and intent of the mass of the petitioners, who, with a gentleman who had been that night often alluded to,* demanded a large direct duty on foreign corn. He would

• Mr. Webb Hall.

willingly consent to an inquiry into any alleged frauds and inaccuracies in the mode of taking the averages (though he doubted whether they existed), to satisfy the minds of those who complained; but whether such an inquiry would be accepted, it would be for the member for Surrey to decide.

Having stated the grounds which had induced him to support the corn laws on a former occasion, and to oppose the present motion, he did not feel it necessary to trouble the House further; but he could not avoid offering one or two remarks on what had fallen from the honourable member for Portarlington, who had stated, that two things only were necessary to restore the country to prosperity; namely, the discharge of the national debt, and the repeal of the corn laws. He would admit that Parliament might, if it pleased, repeal the corn laws; but it was rather doubtful whether it could so readily effect the discharge of the national debt. At all events, the plan which the honourable member had mentioned for this purpose would, in his opinion, have the effect, not of bringing capital into the country, but of removing a great portion of capital out of it for in the supposed case, every one who could, by going out of the country with his capital, avoid the payment to which the adoption of that plan would subject him, would endeavour so to do.

He contended, that the chief cause of the distress complained of, was founded in the falling prices of two objects of exchangeable value; which two objects he considered to be corn and labour. But he thought it would be most imprudent to give an artificial value to either of those objects. He fully concurred in the opinion, that the situation of our trade, and the question whether the opening of new channels for it would not give additional stimulus to our national industry, were fair subjects of parliamentary inquiry. He was glad that a Committee had been appointed, in the other House of Parlia

ment, for the purpose of investigating this important subject; and he was happy to say, that a similar one was intended to be proposed in that House.* The existing distress arose from the great demand for labour occasioned by the war, and the necessary falling-off in time of peace. This was an effect that could not be prevented, unless they were prepared to apply the same stimulus now which existed while hostilities were going on. The evil was to be remedied only by time. It was desirable, however, that the people should, by discussion in that House, be made acquainted what measure of relief it was within the power of parliament to give, and what not; for when those who were in favour of the present motion saw that the present price of corn was owing, not to the nature of the corn laws or to any mismanagement, but to causes over which the Government and the Legislature had no control, they would feel satisfied that no alteration of those laws at present could afford them relief, and wait patiently for more favourable circumstances.

Mr. Ellice having moved the previous question, the House divided: For the original Motion, 150. For the previous Question, 100. The result appeared to excite much surprise. Lord Castlereagh declared, that it would spread alarm throughout the country; and Mr. Baring denied that a Committee so appointed could be of any benefit. On the naming of the Committee, on the following day, Mr. Robinson moved, "That it be an instruction to the Committee, to confine their enquiry to the mode of ascertaining, returning, and calculating the average prices of corn in the twelve maritime districts, under the provisions of the existing corn laws, and to any frauds which may be committed in violation of the said laws." The motion, on a division, was carried by a majority of 251 to 108.

On the motion of the Marquis of Lansdowne, a Select Committee, to enquire into the means of extending and securing the Foreign Trade of the country, had, on the 26th of May, been appointed by the Lords. And, on the 5th of June, a similar Committee was, on the motion of Mr. Alexander Baring, appointed by the Commons.

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE QUEEN.

February 6, 1821.

On the 5th of February, the Marquis of Tavistock moved, "That it appears to this House, that his Majesty's ministers, in advising the late proceedings against her Majesty the Queen, were not justified by any political expediency or necessity; and that their conduct, throughout the whole of these proceedings has been productive of consequences derogatory from the honour of the Crown, and injurious to the best interests of the public." After the Motion had been supported by Mr. Lambton, Mr. Whitmore, Sir James Mackintosh, and Lord Milton; and opposed by Mr. Peel, Mr. Bathurst, and Mr. Bankes, an adjournment took place to this day, when

*

Mr. HUSKISSON rose. He began by stating, that though, through a long parliamentary life, he had constantly refrained from troubling the House on a general question like the present, yet that, upon the present occasion, he felt himself called upon to depart from his usual practice, and to explain his reasons for the vote which he was about to give. In the first place, he must observe, that what had fallen from the honourable member for Corfe-castle had been greatly misunderstood and misinterpreted. His honourable friend had not disapproved of the beginning, the middle, and the end of the proceedings against the Queen: he had only gone to the extent of saying, that he was not completely satisfied on the subject; adding, that if the matter were to be commenced again, he did not know, if he had been a minister, how he could act otherwise.

Next, with regard to what the same honourable gentleman had remarked on the subject of the peace of 1815— that peace did answer the description which he had given of it. At least, some valuable acquisitions were made by this country, and an exalted notion had been raised among the nations of the world, as to her character, vigour,

• Mr. Bankes.

and resources. Such, the right honourable gentleman said, was his own conviction; and it was not to be altered by an incident occurring in the sixth year of peace, which no wisdom could have foreseen or prevented, and by which, he trusted, the tranquillity of Europe could not be disturbed. The very fact, that we were now in the sixth year of peace, without the slightest armament in that period to support our relations or maintain our rights, was of itself a strong proof in favour of the general arrangement which had been made. An honourable and learned gentleman* had last night spoken of the six bills passed three years ago; and, when the House recollected that they were formerly denounced as destructive of the first principles of the constitution, it was not a little singular to hear them now charged with being wholly ineffectual and inoperative. Although they had been once represented as intolerable in a free state, and as subversive of the liberties of a free people, he was satisfied that we were indebted to those measures for the revival of industry, and for the protection of life and property in the disturbed districts.

There was another remarkable feature in the late discussions. Gentlemen came down to the House deprecating all irritation; they professed themselves to be all anxiety to soothe and to allay the troubled spirit, in all quarters of the kingdom; but the course taken to accomplish this most desirable object seemed not a little extraordinary. Not an occasion had been allowed by them to slip, without charging ministers as persecutors, as determined to persist in a course of violence and outrage, as guilty of a foul conspiracy, as condescending to resort to the meanest servility from the basest of motives; and, in short, as proceeding against an innocent female, rather with the malignity of fiends than with the feelings of men. The surprise, on the

Sir James Mackintosh.