newspaper press, as a social agent. It is an essential element of all free governments; and not less essential to the progressive improvement of the age. But we are persuaded that as an intellectual and social agent, it is totally incompetent to supply the wants which arise from the peculiar condition of the times. These wants can only be met by Periodical Literature, as distinguished from the newspaper department.

The office and economy of that department of literature denominated "periodical" have not received that consideration which the subject would seem to deserve. We need a department of literature which shall occupy a place between the voluminous works whose doctrines often become obsolete before they reach the light, and, the newspaper that is compiled, published, read, and destroyed in the same day. Such a department properly organized, and conducted with talent and fidelity, would combine all the substantial advantages of an extensive library with the most solid, and, in some respect, the most useful information derived from newspapers. A skilful and well judging reviewer, by reducing the substance of a volume to the compass of a few pages, enables the common reader to comprehend the objects and design of the author without incurring the expense of purchasing the book, or loss of time in its perusal. Besides, if reviews were liberally encouraged they would exert a healthful influence over the literary taste and pursuits of the community, by banishing from the shops much of the worthless trash that now occupies so large a space in the literature of the day.

The journalist who publishes monthly has time to collect and arrange his matter with care; he keeps himself thoroughly advised, through the medium of the newspapers, of all the important incidents of the times, and by comparing the statements and arguments of all parties, is enabled to form a just opinion of the policy, commerce, and economy of the country; and also to correct the errors, in fact and argument, which are urged upon public notice through the newspaper press.

This department of literature bears a relation to the general subject similar to that which labor saving machinery sustains to the producers of raw material, and the consumers at large of manufactured commodities- And it is worthy of remark that its introduction, every where, has been met by a similar exhibition of coldness and neglect on the part of the community. This how

ever, is but natural, and must be set down as an item in the catalogue of difficulties to be encountered and overcome by all who undertake to benefit mankind by introducing new doctrines or new pursuits which conflict with the established order of society.

"Our readers will perceive that these observations are not applicable to that class of periodicals which conform to the popular taste these are regarded as gems and flowers of polite literature and are hailed with wellcome whithersoever they appear. The social wants to which we have alluded, demand a different order of literature, and a different class of men to conduct it. A literature germinating in American soil, and growing up with American institutions, developing its flowers to delight, and its fruit to strengthen and sustain us in our onward march to that glorious destiny which awaits the nation. A literature, which, like the atmosphere, shall pervade every part of the land-vitalizing the minds, and refining the morals of all its inhabitants, of every degree. A socializing literature that shall make intelligence and virtue the test of respectability-harmonizing philosophy with religion, and subjecting the minds and hearts of the people to their combined influence.

But such a literature can never be established so long as writers and publishers study to gratify the uncultivated and perverted taste of the million. It requires the learning of a Johnson, the genius of a Macaulay, and the enthusiasm of a Luther, to correct the popular taste, and build up an American literature upon its true foundation. This great work demands the labor of minds which comprehend the subject of social economy in all its departments and bearings. It calls for men of heroic minds, who, fearless of popular prejudice, and scorning the popularizing policy of the times, dare to act up to their own great conceptions of individual and social destiny. It claims the encouragement and support of the patriot, who cheerfully devotes his life to the glory of his country. And, withal, it invokes the co-operation of the philanthropist, who toils for the benefit of humanity and looks for his own reward in the happiness which mankind derive from his labors.

བ་བ་པ་་

ARTICLE II.

Our Country's Good.

With a deep concern for the welfare of our country, and a thorough conviction that its interests require a change in the policy of our government, the writer has penned the following pages:

There are few men whose actual experience ought to have enabled them to form a more correct judgment. How far those opportunities have been profitably used, he is of course not a proper judge. With the same, no doubt, any ordinarily intelligent mind, would have made out a better case. But the evidences presented to the writer by his transactions, his travels and observations, have been such as to cause him most anxiously to wish, that by a sort of Daguerreotype operation, he could transfer to other minds the very views which have been imprinted on his own. To attempt now to interest the public in a subject, which has become so stale and threadbare, that the very sight of a caption to an essay on the subject of protection is sufficient to prevent its being read, requires some boldness. Disheartening indeed then, is the feeling, with which the writer makes this effort-as he is aware, that nothing short of a treatise of fatiguing length for the ordinary reader can cover the necessary ground to a proper comprehension of the subject. And while every reader will believe, that the subject has been long exhausted that no new view can be presented, how can it be hoped that he will take hold of such a piece as this. Or rather, the reader thus far will say—how unreasonable is it in any writer now, to suppose that he can hope any further to interest the public mind on the subject. It is almost unreasonable to hope it I admit, and yet, sensible that infinite injury is resulting from the policy now being pursued, the mind so convinced is unhappy, if not permitted to unload itself of the reasons for that conviction, and to give the reasons for believing, that a change would be beneficial; reasons possibly not stronger than have been given ten times over before. But there is one novelty in those reasons-they are founded upon incidents and events in a great measure, of actual occurrence to the personal knowledge of the writer, and having some interest in themselves, independent of the subject, to which they relate.

Te writer knows, that all partizan arguments avail nothing His object is to convince the understanding by a calm, candid and dispassionate view of the subject. Also, he desires so to do it, as to be as little fatiguing as possible to the mind. With this object he has chosen the style of dialogue, the better to have all phases of the subject in its progress thoroughly examined and investigated. He has exerted himself to collect all the strongest arguments which he has ever heard used against protection, and endeavored to answer them calmly, candidly, and dispassionately; and to show the effects of the two systems in contrast. If he has not done justice to the Free Trade side of the question, it has been because he has not heard of stronger arguments to sustain it than he has brought forward. His aim has been just.

OUR COUNTRY'S GOOD.

Dialogue between Free Trader and Protectionist. F. Well, friend P., I see from the last quarter's return of imports collected, that our treasury is in an overflowing conditionnever was it more flourishing. Commerce, and agriculture too, seem to be equally thriving. Labor is bearing a fine price, property rising in value-never have I known our country in a more prosperous condition, and this too under our free trade policy, which you protectionists so much condemn.

P. I am glad, friend F., that you seem in a humor for talking on this subject, and as, to you, all signs seem to sustain the policy of free trade, you will no doubt be willing to enter calmly and dispassionately into a consideration of that policy.-I profess to desire that policy which is for our country's good-I believe you do. Suppose now we agree to take up this subject with a view to ascertain the truth, and not with a view to mere controversy; let us endeavor as far as our natures will admit of it, to be candid, magnanimously on each side admit our errors if satisfied of themand give full credit to each others arguments.

F. Agreed! I know the power of party feeling, and how prone we are, in listening to the arguments of opponents, to seek merely to controvert, and not for the truth. But your tone and manner indicate a sincere desire for learning the truth, and I assure you I am in search of it, and although sincerely of opinion, that free trade is the policy of wisdom, and of justice, and that any trammeling of the intercourse between nations by what you call protection, is not only a narrow and unjust policy-but it is in part, taxing one portion of our people, for the benefit of another, an offensive policy which I do not think the enlightened people of the

United States ever will sudmit to a policy which in our age of progress, will soon be looked back upon as monstrous, and the wonder will be that enlightened men ever could have been found to favor it. Nevertheless I am disposed to give full credit to your patriotism and sincerity, and I will most willingly hear all you have to say in its favor, and promise to give full credit to any argument you may bring forward. So let us hear what you have

to say.

P. To begin, and follow you backwards, I would say-If you are disposed to settle the question by the names of enlightened men who have favored the two policies, I think I can outweigh you. From Washington down to Andrew Jackson, every President has warmly recommended the protection of home industry— the fostering of domestic manufactures and if any one of our Presidents has been preeminently marked for emphatically recommending it more than any other, it has been General Jackson.

In

But of the men now on the political theatre, Clay, Webster, Fillmore, Corwin, Clayton, &c., where do you find their equals on your side who sustain free trade against protection. And sir, take any state in the Union, except South Carolina, and I think if you will be candid, you will allow, the weight of talent is against you. But this is not argument-I only say so much, in reply to your remark about the opinions of enlightened men. I will now return and follow you from the beginning through. The present condition of our country furnishes, I admit, an argument apparently in your favor, because it is by the fruit that we should judge the tree, and there certainly is at this time a great appearance of prosperity, and I am willing to give the credit to free trade, unless I can show that it belongs to other causes. 1847-8 the famine in Ireland and short crop in England-there being no redundancy in Europe, gave an immense demand for our bread stuffs, and caused a great influx of capital upon us. This raised the price of all agricultural products, and so completely drained us, that the succeeding crops have not yet brought down the prices again to their usual mark. This is too, in some degree owing to the settlement of California, which has aided in giving a market for our bread stuffs.-Another reason is, that the temporary prosperity caused by the events named, has given a renewed impulse to rail road improvements, drawing off hands from being producers of bread stuffs-and by their consumption furnishing a market. Another cause, the high price of breadstuffs, drew off labor from the culture of tobacco, and by causing a short crop, produced a high price in that article, which in turn causd a withdrawal of labor from breadstuffs, and tended to keep them up. These are the causes, which give us an apparent temporary prosperity, indeed a real prosperity, except so far as it is being marred by the effects of free trade.