provinces to be united, and founded upon monarchical principles, cannot be considered otherwise than as in contravention of the traditions and constantly declared principles of this government, endangering its most important interests, and tending to increase and perpetuate embarrassments already existing between the two governments immediately interested. Passed the House of Representatives of the United States March 27, 1867. Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. No. 1954.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 29, 1867. SIR: I transmit for your information and guidance, and for communication to the government of Great Britain, a copy of an instruction* of the 25th instant, No. 194, which has been addressed to Mr. Burlingame, the United States minister in China, and of the papers which accompanied it, in relation to the subject of certain regulations issued by the consul general of France at Shanghai. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. Circular relative to diplomatic uniform. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 29, 1867. Ministers and officers of the several grades in the diplomatic service of the United States are hereby instructed to conform to the requirements of the joint resolution of Congress approved on the 27th of March, instant, prohibiting them from wearing any uniform or official costume not previously authorized by Congress. The 34th section of an act approved on the 28th of July, 1866, authorizes all officers who have served during the rebellion as volunteers in the armies of the United States to bear the official title, and, upon occasions of ceremony, to wear the uniform of the highest grade they have held by brevet or other commissions in the volunteer service. This section constitutes the exception made in the prohibitory resolution above referred to, and is in full force and effect in its application to persons in the diplomatic or any other branch of the civil service of the United States who may have served in our armies in the manner therein described. For convenience of reference, a copy of the joint resolution and section before named is hereunto annexed. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. [PUBLIC RESOLUTION-NO. 15.] A RESOLUTION concerning the uniform of persons in the diplomatic service of the United States. Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all persons in the diplomatic service of the United States are prohibited from wearing any uniform or official costume not previously authorized by Congress. Approved, March 27, 1867. * For enclosure, see instruction No. 194, to United States minister to China. SEC. 34. And be it further enacted, That all officers who have served during the rebellion as volunteers in the armies of the United States, and who have been, or may hereafter be, honorably mustered out of the volunteer service, shall be entitled to bear the official title, and, upon occasions of ceremony, to wear the uniform of the highest grade they have held by brevet or other commissions in the volunteer service. In case of officers of the regular army, the volunteer rank shall be entered upon the official army register: Provided, That these privileges shall not entitle any officer to command, pay, or emoluments. Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 1348.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: The threatening state of the relations between France and Prussia developed by the proceedings about Luxembourg has produced something of a panic in commercial circles in this city, which has affected the value among other securities of those of the United States. The tendency in Germany is to send the bonds here for conversion at once, whenever there is any apprehension of a war. This was shown last year, and will doubtless be shown again to a much greater extent, should matters grow more gloomy. The peculiar facilities given to this operation, in the form of the bonds assignable from hand to hand, are calculated, by throwing back large amounts of this debt at once, suddenly and seriously to affect the channels of trade between the two sides of the ocean, and consequently the operations of the treasury in contracting the redundancy of the currency. It is still to be hoped that some form of arrangement may be arrived at to dispel these fears. The internal agitation in this kingdom in regard to the proposed measures for the extension of the franchise is, for the moment, suspended, whilst the plan of the government continues under discussion in Parliament. Thus far no result has been developed beyond the certainty that neither of the two parties can be depended upon to act unitedly to attain any single object. Although the ministerial measure has gone through two readings, and been referred to the committee of the whole for the discussion of the details, no clue has yet been arrived at to the real sense of the majority on any of its leading provisions. The discussion will commence to-morrow night, after which it will be postponed for a fortnight of the Easter recess. Thus three months of the session will have been absorbed without material progress. So discordant are the opinions that it now admits of serious doubt whether the plan will be matured enough for adoption this year. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. No. 1350.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have to acknowledge the reception of despatches from the department numbered 1946, 1951, 1953, and 1954. In regard to the subject of your No. 1951, of the 25th of March, I have the honor to report that an application had already been made on behalf of John H. Rogers by Mr. West, the acting consul at Dublin, and I have received from the latter a letter announcing the decision of the authorities at Dublin to release him on condition of his leaving the country. I have not yet been advised of the action of Mr. Rogers upon that condition. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, SIR: I have the honor to transmit copies of the London Times, containing a full report of the debate in the House of Commons during the last two nights on the enfranchising measure of the government. I have myself attended the discussion, which was terminated at half-past two o'clock this morning, by the triumph of the government in one of the fullest divisions that has been known for many years. This result has been arrived at through an extraordinary dislocation of both the great party combinations. On the one hand many of the most radical wing of the opposition sustained the minister, whilst on the other several of the extreme conservatives were found in the ranks of the liberal leader. The meaning of this is that a controlling portion of the majority do not intend to sanction any proceeding having for its chief object a mere change of ministry. Great differences of opinion exist as to the practical operation of both the plans of reform which were set in contrast with each other. Much may depend, upon the changes which the ministerial measure may yet undergo. In any event the success of some sort of plan this session is made more likely than it was a few days ago. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 1354.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I had an interview with Lord Stanley on Saturday last, for the purpose of communicating to him the substance of the proposal I was directed to make under the instructions contained in your despatch, No. 1946, of the 21st of March. His lordship made a note of the different points contained in that document as I recapitulated them, and promised to give them early attention. We examined the map together to observe the extent of the proposition, after which he seemed fully to comprehend the precise extent of the concession desired. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. No. 1355.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. [Confidential.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: After a careful examination of your despatch of the 28th of March (No. 1952) marked confidential, I made up my mind at once to attempt to come to some sort of understanding with Lord Stanley as to the precise nature of the difficulties in the way of a speedy arrangement of the questions between the two countries. To that end I had an interview with him on Saturday last. My first purpose was to learn from him, if possible, the character of the latest report made to him by Sir Frederick Bruce of the objections made to his latest proposition of the 9th of March. This was with the view of fixing in my own mind the exact extent of the obstacles alluded to by you to his lordship's position as last modified, which I, of course, presumed to have remained in your mind after full consideration of that document. His lordship very readily conceded to my wishes, and, having sent for Sir Frederick's latest letters, it turned out that he had exercised a discretion freely given him as to the time and manner of delivery of that despatch so far as to postpone it a little while. I infer that possibly it has not been sent to you even now, though the delay may not probably last many days longer. This discovery changed the whole current of my thoughts; for it had seemed to me that his lordship in that letter had actually waived all former demands to restrict the terms of the arbitration, with the single exception of excluding the question of the recognition of belligerency. Hence I had no grounds for pressing him to further action until we should know on this side your views of this latest movement of his. I therefore contented myself with a slight allusion to the reasons suggested by you for urgency, and expressed a hope, now that I had received authority to consult with him more fully than heretofore, to resume the subject, after I should have ascertained how far. your course might have been modified by seeing his paper. Inasmuch as you seem to desire an expression of opinion from me, I take the liberty to observe that, in regard to what appears to me the only obstacle to arbitration left, the question of recognizing belligerency, it may admit of doubt whether, even if it could be susceptible of submitting to umpirage, the doing so would be advisable for us. To some extent the concession of a possibility that the exercise of that sovereign right of a state could be drawn into question, might have the effect of tieing our own hands in future cases. As it is, the very agitation of that question in America to which you allude as connected with the inchoate Irish insurgent movement, has the effect of undermining the foundation of our claim to complain in the present instance. It must be obvi ous to you that the adoption of the propositions pressed in Congress must have the necessary effect of weakening our chances of getting any valuable result at all from arbitration; for, if we follow the suit of England when the respective positions come to be reversed, I do not perceive how we do not, pari passú, come to justify her conduct. Ĭ have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C., No. 1965.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, April 16, 1867. SIR: Sir Frederick W. A. Bruce, her Britannic Majesty's minister plenipotentiary, on the 4th of this month read to me and gave me a copy of a despatch which was addressed to him by Lord Stanley on the 9th of March last. The United States are expected by Lord Stanley to receive that paper as a deliberate reply of her Majesty's government to my despatch to you of the 12th of January, No. 1906, in relation to the claims which arose during the late civil war. Great Britain proposes a limited reference to arbitration in regard to the socalled Alabama claims, and adjudication by means of a mixed commission, of general claims. You will please inform Lord Stanley that, after due consideration, the United States adhere to the views concerning the proper way of adjusting the claims referred to which I have heretofore expressed in this correspondence; consequently we cannot consent to such a special and peculiar limitation of arbitrament in regard to the Alabama claims as Lord Stanley suggests. We cannot give any preference to any other claims over the Alabama claims in the form of adjustment which is ultimately to be adopted. While we agree that all mutual claims which arose during the civil war between the citizens and subjects of the two countries ought to be amicably adjusted, and adjusted soon, we must, nevertheless, insist that they be adjusted by one and the same form of tribunal, with like or the same forms, and upon principles common to all of them. The proposal of her Majesty's government is, therefore, respectfully declined by the President of the United States. Reciprocating the assurances of friendship and good will which his lordship gives us, we shall cheerfully consider any further suggestions on the subject which her Majesty's government may think proper to offer. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 1357.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: The state of things on the continent is regarded so critical to the maintenance of peace, that much alarm has been felt during the past week, particularly in business circles in the city. Whilst great confidence is entertained in the preservation of the neutrality of this kingdom, under the policy now understood to be accepted equally by both parties, the apprehension of more or less derangement of all the ordinary channels of trade has the effect, for the moment, of putting a stop to enterprise. In the domestic affairs of the kingdom the chief event of the week is the apparent withdrawal of Mr. Gladstone from the lead of the opposition in the House of Commons, in consequence of the course taken by a fraction of the party in the division on the 12th instant. How far this may be considered to extend, and to what consequence it may lead if fully persevered in, it is not easy now to foresee. There can be little doubt that he is the person now in England who enjoys the most of the confidence of the influential middle classes, |