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it only by a kind of economy far more injurious to their government than to themselves. I cannot imagine anything more embarrassing to a minister, and less serviceable to the state, than for him either to refuse all proffered hospitality, or to be constantly accepting‘ it without the ability fairly to reciprocate. The department could not long remain ignorant of an abuse so coarse as the act of hoarding the larger part of a man’s salary instead of maintaining the dignity of his legation and the interests of his government by bestowing proper attentions upon his otiicial acquaintances, and upon deserving Americans abroad; audit would be nearly as gross for us to presume in advance such conduct as to be guilty of it. '

After being once established here, I can live a little inside my salary; and that would decide the matter with those who overlook the cost of coming and returning, of providing suitable wardrobes, the loss of breaking up and selling

_ out at home and the loss of buying and selling furniture here, or the still greater '

expense of renting it. In my own case, counting travelling expenses, the necessary additional outfits, cost of living here, cost of furnishing house, not yet quite defrayed, I have not only consumed my salary, but am in arrears by several months with my banker, who from the first kindly offered to advance me quite as much money as I was willing to borrow on my mere promise to draw my checks in his favor as they fell due. I understand other ministers have had to do the same thing. It is an indulgence and an assistance which We have no right to expect on strict business principles, and_is a favor which it seems to me no government ought to be willing to see its agents compelled to ask. It is not a fit thing that a minister should be indebted to cabinet-makers, upholsterers, and linen-drapers about town, nor even to a kind and confidiug banker. If a man had no regard for his personal credit, a clear perception of his duty to his government, and as the head of a legatiou, would induce him to avoid debt; and I cannot avoid the conclusion that a government has not fully regarded its own interests or done its whole duty, until it has so dealt with a newly-appointed minister as that any material indebtedness at the capital where he is to reside would be his own fault. There ought to be no occasion for those painful and embarrassing questions with which an indebted minister might be confronted on being suddenly recalled, or having, from any unexpected cause, to ask for his passports. Our system has presented unsafe temptations and facilities for the abuse of outfit and infit_; but surely if any such abuse was ever detected, means could have been found to avoid it in the future; and if the present system of naked salary and rapid change is continued, it may be expected that

after a little the government will begin to find difliculty in getting proper men‘

for the service, except by confining its offers to those who have spare means of their own and-are willing-to use them in that way. When I’ learned there was no outfit and no transportation, had I also known the expenses of coming and of living here, matters about which I was singularly misinformed, I would have felt constrained respectfully to decline the proifered appointment. The idea that living in Europe is so much cheaper than in America is being rapidly dispelled, by the experience of those who try it, and by the marked rise all over Europe of rents, labor, hotel bills, and the cost of the necessaries of life.

The common and ready answer by some to all arguments upon this and kindred subjects is that the government can easily get the offices filled for the present salaries. Undoubtedly it can. Indeed, those who are satisfied,with that mode of investigation do not do justice to their argument; they do not carry it far enough. The government can get the places filled on half the money, and occasionally for none of it. A man can come to Europe. put his family in mean apartments on the third floor in a mean street; see nothing, learn nothing, and

. have no influence while abroad, and in leaving carry with him the contempt of

others for himself and his government, on much less than the present salaries. Or the government can find learned and patriotic bachelors who, being expected

to have only a very limited establishment, can better live on half the salary than a man of family, who occasionally opens his house, can live on all of it.

I submit that our government ought always to accredit to each power a minister of at least equal rank to the one maintained by such power at Washington. This in itself involves no additional expense. and a contrary course is liable to be injnriously misunderstood. It is certainly far better to regulate our own conduct in this respect by the conduct of opher governments towards ours, than to make distinctions in the grade of rank ot our own ministers, based upon our own estimate, either of the importance of a foreign nation or of the utility of maintaining a legation at its capital. It is not to the purpose to say that rank is in itself a matter of no consequence. There is no proposition an American will more readily admit. But the real question is, how does it affect our diplomatic standing and influence at the several courts of Europe where the rule I suggest is disregarded? No one who has observed it will say that it is not a perceptible disadvantage. And if rank really be indifferent in itself, there can be no solid objection to doing what every American diplomat in Europe would admit to be desirable on public considerations.

It has heretofore been proposed to provide by law that diplomatic and consular agents should not be removed except for cause. Whatever benefits might flow from a legislative recommendation or declaration of a policy intended to secure competency and experience in that branch of the public service, the wisdom and practicabilityqof placing any such legal restrictions upon the President’s power of removal would appear very doubtful. To remove only for cause the cause must yet be inquired into and determined by somebody; if by the President, it comes to the same thing as before; if by a tribunal before which investigation and decision must be much slower, it would involve delays which, at_ times, might become extremely pernicious to the public interests. The President, having under his executive direction the management of foreign relations, subject to the approval of the Senate, ought to be left free, not only in the choice of his agents, through whom he must always act, but to displace them instantly and substitute others for any reason that appears sufficient to him, whether improper conduct, inadequate or inattentive discharge of duty, or the belief that some other agent can more successfully manage the business in hand. Neither such discretion nor the public good, nor public opinion will demand frequent changes for the sake of rotation, nor on account of ordinary differences of political opinion.

The diplomatic relations and service of the United States have suddenly been invested with a vastly increased importance. The admitted and admired position of our government among the leading powers, the remaining political connections of the Eastern with the WVestern hemisphere, and our own great and just interest in all that occurs in the latter; the great questions of public law aifectiug the whole world, and originating mainly in the affairs of the United States; the important and beneficent changes in that law which have been so much advocated by our own government, and the accomplishment of which is now almost visible to the mind’s eye, all bear witness to the increased importance of the service. \Ve may adhere as closely as possible to the Washingtonian precept against entangling alliances, but the great fact remains that the civilized, independent Christian powers of the earth are, in a large degree,a grand commonwealth of nations to which we must belong, and in the councils of that commonwealth it is equally our duty to guard our rights and our right to guard our influence. The world is probably just entering upon a great and interesting epoch in the history of parliamentary government. ‘There are some indications that that form of political machinery will become universal in the civilized world, and there are other fainter indications that the same public opinion which is demanding and obtaining this form of representative expression will also be soon demanding more immediate, energetic, and direct action than has so far been attained in those assemblies in which discussion has maintainedso attractive a. pre-eminence. The question is interesting in itself to the safety of popular political rights, and to the growth and healthy action of public opinion. To the same extent that we are interested in all these things we ought to be close and intelligent observers.

I beg to close this letter, which has grown so unexpectedly on my hands, with the assurance that nothing less than’ the hope of doing a mite of good for my government could have induced me to trouble you with any observations upon this subject. ' _

I am sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. Snwsnn,

Secretary of State, lVas7z.2'ngton, D. G.

Mr. Yeaman to Mr. Seward.

No. 45.] ' LEGATION on THE UNITED STATES, Copenhagen, December 12, 1866.

SIR : For the fuller information of the Department of State, I here enclose a copy of a Danish newspaper, the Berlingske, the official journal, in which will be found, printed in the French language, a statement of the substance of the report and recommendations of the royal commission appointed to consider the subject of the defence of the kingdom and the reorganization of the army and navy. The report has not yet been acted upon by the Rigsdag. It will be observed that the principal changes proposed to be introduced are the abolition of substitution and the establishment in its'stead of the compulsory service for a given term of all able~bodied men within the military ages. The estimated annual expense of the army on the new basis, is 3,506,000 rigsdalers—-say $1,928,300. The part of the report relating to the navy has not yet been published, but I understand from other sources that it proposes to reform the navy so that by 1877 it shall consist of four iron-clad frigates, four cuirassed batteries, two monitors, three screw frigates, three screw corvettes, six cutters, four paddle-wheel steamers, 40 transports, and 6,000 men ; of which establishment the annual expense is estimated at 1,511,400 rigsdalers, say $831,320.

I also enclose, as a matter of general, though not official, interest, a copy of another Danish newspaper, the Dagbladet, one of the leading organs of the advanced liberals, and of the national or Scandinavian party, in which will be found some articles printed in the French language, (a course occasionally adopted by these papers for the more ready access of foreigners, diplomats, &c.,) in relation to the duchy of Schleswig, German pretensions, and the condition and ‘development of Denmark. It will be seen the writer takes strong ground against what he calls “Germanism, ’ the alleged superiority of German civilization being -sometimes urged, even by Danes, as an answer to “ Scandinavianism.”

His royal highness the Crown Prince of Denmark, after attending the marriage of his sister, the Princess Dagmar, _at St. Petersburg, returned by the way of Berlin, where he paid a visit to the royal family of Prussia. While there the King of Prussia conferred upon the prince and upon his father, the King of Denmark, the order of the Black Eagle, the most complimentary one at his disposal. These ‘attentions, and the very cordial manner of the prince’s Welcome at Berlin, were by many persons here interpreted as an encouraging response to the generous confidence expressed in the speech of the King of Denmark at the opening of the Danish Rigsdag, and of which I have heretofore sent you a copy. But other developments do not support that view : notably the “ bills of annexation” prepared by the Berlin cabinet for the Prussian parliament, the suppression of telegrams from the duchy to a f etc at Copenhagen in honor of a distinguished advocate of the national sentiment, the refusal to allow a subscription to be solicited in the duchy for making a present to the Princess Dagmar before hel" departure, and the reply lately given to a deputation of Schleswigians, asking for an early and favorable consideration, that the treaty would be observed, but that steps could not be taken to hold the election until the affairs of the duchies were “ consolidated”—an expression somewhat

' dubious, to say the least. ‘

The very great interest felt in this matter in Denmark, and, indeed, throughout Europe, will justify the frequent allusions I have made to the progress of the question and to everything which may seem to indicate its probable solution. From 1848 to the present day, nearly twenty years, a sentiment and a necessity, or, if we please, two necessities, have combined to make the politics of Germany appear, at least on the surface, a little inconsistent; the aspiration for a German nationality which should consolidate all German populations, and the admitted need of a greater sea-board and more commodious harbors, which tends towards the absorption of communities not quite subject to the theory of nationality.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,


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No. 30.] _ DEPARTMENT or Sure, ~ -Washington, D. C., December 24, 1866.

S13: Your elaborate communication of the 4th instant has been received. I think you err in describing it as a letter instead of a despatch. Practically the head of the Department of State can have no private correspondence with the representatives of the United States in foreign countries upon political subjects otherwise than in the customary diplomatic form adapted to the records and archives of the government. Your letter will therefore be recorded in that form

and marked 43. The paper presents an argument in favor of certain alterations

of the laws of the United States by which the diplomatic service is regulated. All the matters you have discussed fall properly within the province of legislation. The habit of Congress in regard to such reforms as you contemplate is to inaugurate discussion by itself, calling upon the President, when it thinks necessary, for information. The inconveniences which need correction, as you assume, are -not new, special, or extraordinary, but, on the contrary, they are long-standing subjects of public discussion. In such case, the President, confining himself within the sphere of the executive department, forbears from entering upon the debate. A practice,'l1oweve1', has obtained in the several departments of occasionally holding informal communication. with the President’s leave, with committees of Congress, upon important questions which present themselves in the ordinary course of administration. In conformity with this practice I have transmitted a copy of your despatch to the Senate's Committee on Foreign Relations. That committee will doubtless bestow upon the matter discussed such consideration as it shall seem to demand. ' '

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Mr. Yeaman to Mr. Seward.

No. 51.] LEGATION on THE UN|'rno STATES, Copenjiagen, January 16, 1867.

SIR : The Schleswig question is still cause of dissatisfaction and excitement here. I have before stated that the "bills of annexation” proposed to the

- Prussian Parliament embraced the whole Duchy. After the passage of these

bills a leading Berlin organ, the Nord-Zeitung, declared that the Duchy question had “ ceased to exist.” Since annexation the Duchy is divided into election districts for the election of members of the Parliament of the North German confederation, and the men within the military ages are being enrolled by order as a part of the Prussian forces, in consequence of which it is alleged that an immense and hasty emigration, in the inclement months of winter, is going on from the north part of the Duchy, and that from some neighborhoods this movement of the population is en masse.

It is quite possible that after all this, the clause of the treaty of Prague referring to North Schleswig may be in some sort executed; but few here expect it, and all openly avow their lack of confidence that there will be an execution in good faith and fairness. It is probably true that most of the friends of progress,

' liberalism and nationality throughout Europewere rejoiced at the late military

and political successes of Prussia; and equally true that the conduct of the cabinet of Berlin in regard to Schleswig, under the treaty of peace, whatever may be the causes or the ultimate justification of that conduct, has so far given pain and disappointment in every other capital of Europe. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, GEORGE H. YEAMAN. Hon. WILLIAM H. Snwsno, Secretary of State, Washington.

IVIT. Ycaman to lift". Seward.

No. 58.] LEGATION or THE Unrrso Srxrss, Copenhagen, March 15, 1867.

SIR: Yesterday evening I received a note from Count Frijs announcing the death of the mother of the King of Denmark, and now herewith enclose a translation of his note, and a/copy of mine in reply.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, - GEORGE H. YEAMAN. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEVVARD, / Secretary qf State, Washington, D. C.

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MONSIEUR: I perform a melancholy duty in announcing to you that God has been pleased to call to Himself last night her highness Madame the Duchess Dowager Louise Caroline of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderborg-Gliickborg, by birth princess of Hesse Cassel, the mother of the King, my august sovereign.

In inviting you, monsieur, to bring this sad death to the knowledge of your government, I seize this occasion to reiterate to you the assurances of my most distinguished considera

tion. E. JUEL FRIJS.

Monsieur Y_EAMAN,
Minister Resident of the United States of America.

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