Count Wydenbruck to Mr. Seward. OAKLAND, July 17, 1867. Mr. SECRETARY OF STATE: On the 3d instant I took the liberty of addressing myself to you, stating that I should consider it as a favor if you would inform me whether the pressing application I made to you on the 29th May last in the name and by order of my august sovereign to use the influence of the United States government in favor of the emperor Maximilian, had been followed by any action of the State Department beyond the telegram of the 1st of June, enjoining Mr. Campbell to repair to his post, there to exercise his influence in that direction. I was induced to make this request by the fear that the unfortunate resignation of Mr. Campbell may have defeated the good intentions you showed me so warmly at that time and for which I again thank you. On the 5th instant I had the honor to receive a communication from you, Mr. Secretary, dated 1st of July, in which you kindly gave me information as to the transmission to Mexico, on the 15th of June, of the intercession of the courts of England and France in behalf of Archduke Maximilian. A few days later I received another obliging communication from you, stating that my inquiries of the 3d had already been answered in your letter of the 1st instant. As, however, in this last letter no mention was made of the object of my inquiry, namely, of the steps taken by the State Department in compliance with the Emperor of Austria's urgent request of the 29th of May, this silence impresses me deeply, as it seems to confirm my apprehension that, owing to Mr. Campbell's inopportune and unfortunate resignation, the government of the United States was not able to carry out the intentions manifested at that time, at a period when the voice of the United States in behalf of justice, humanity, and civilization might have again reached the proper quarter and perhaps saved the life of the ill-fated prince. It remains for me to thank you, also, for your compliance with the second request of the Austrian court of the 20th of June, as to the reintegration of the archduke in his birthrights. I have the honor to remain, Mr. Secretary of State, with the highest consideration, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, &c., &c., &c. WYDENBRUCK. Mr. Seward to Count Wydenbruck. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, July 22, 1867. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 17th instant, making inquiry as to the steps taken by the Department of State with reference to the urgent request of the Emperor of Austria, communicated to this department on the 29th of May. In reply, I have the honor to inform you that, in pursuance with a resolution of the Senate, all the documents relating to the capture, trial, and execution of Prince Maximilian have been laid before that body by the President of the United States, and that, so soon as they shall have been printed, I shall take pleasure in transmitting you a copy thereof. I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to you, sir, the assurances of my highest consideration. Count WYDENBRUCK, &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Seward to Baron Franckenstein. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 20, 1867. Mr. Seward presents his compliments to Baron Franckenstein, and has the honor to enclose herewith, for his information, a copy of a telegram of yesterday's date, which has been received from the acting consul general of the United States at Havana. The German plenipotentiaries have brought their conferences to a close. The protocol has been signed, and they have returned to their homes, to reassemble at the King's request at the opening of the parliament of the North on the 24th instant. The "Landtag" was prorogued on the 9th instant by the King in person. His Majesty expressed satisfaction for the aid given the government by the chambers, and hoped that the differences which had existed between them and the Crown might not reoccur. By appropriating the necessary means for the army and navy you made known your resolution to preserve what has been acquired, to recognize what has been obtained by the policy of my government, supported by the superiority and tried bravery of my army." His Majesty closed by saying: The draft of a constitution for North Germany having been accepted by all the States participating, leads me to hope that the German people will obtain upon a basis of a united organization such as Germany has hitherto vainly striven for during centuries of conflict, those blessings to which it is called by Providence, through its natural power and march of civilization, as soon as it can maintain peace at home and abroad. I shall regard it as the crowning glory of my reign that God has called me to make use of the power of my people, strong in its fidelity, valor, and civilization, for the re-establishment of an enduring unity of the German people and their sovereigns. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, Yesterday, the 24th, the King of Prussia in person opened the North German parliament. The royal family, with the various princes and princesses, together with the ambassadors, ministers, &c., were present. I herewith enclose you the speech in German delivered by his Majesty. The points in it are about as follows: The King said: Important events have caused the assembling of delegates, and great hopes depend on your deliberations. For centuries the German race had vainly endeavored to make a starting point toward German unity, but had always failed, and would again if we did not recognize the cause which prevented our forefathers obtaining it. Germany was once mighty, great and honored, because united and led by strong hands. She fell because divided. Robbed of her weight in Europe's council, of her influence in her own destiny, she became dismembered, and was at once the battle field of foreign powers. The old spirit for unity among us has never ceased to show signs of vitality; we have longed for the lost blessings, and the history of our age is replete with endeavors to reunite our fatherland. I thank my allies for the readiness with which they have responded to the needs of our common country. As inheritor of the Prussian crown, I feel strong in the conviction that the successes of Prussia have been only steps toward the restoration and elevation of German power and honor. As soon as the deliberations of parliament shall have progressed sufficiently far to make treaties, &c., we will extend our hands cordially toward our southern brethren. As the tendency of the German spirit is always towards peace and labor, so will the allied German states bear essentially a defensive character. Only for defence, and not for attack, is the German race seeking to be united from the Alps to the sea. At several points in the speech his Majesty was applauded. It has been warmly extolled by the Prussians and well received by the foreign ministers. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, JOHN C. WRIGHT. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. [Translation, in substance, of the proceedings of the "Reichstag"-February, 1867.] Hlustrious, noble and honorable gentlemen of the Reichstag of the North German Union: It is a moment for exultation when I come into your midst. Great events have brought it about; great hopes are connected with it. It is granted to me to meet in union with an assembly which for centuries has not surrounded any German prince, and to give expression to these hopes. For this I thank the providence of God which has guided Germany to purposes and aims which her people hankered after, but did not select nor foresee the means to attain. Trusting in this guidance, we shall advance the more rapidly in that direction and the more clearly understand the causes which led us and our forefathers astray, through retrospective glances at German history. Once powerful, great, and honored, while united and directed by strong hands, the German empire sank, not free from blameworthy association, into dismemberment and weakness. Deprived of importance in the councils of Europe, and of influence over her own destiny, Germany became the chosen battle-ground of foreign powers, on which the blood of her sons was poured forth. Never, however, has the earnest desire of the German people for their lost prosperity been unheard, and the history of our times is full of the exertions again to restore the great past of Germany and of the German nation. If these efforts have not yet attained their object; if vain efforts have been made to establish a starting point toward German unity, they will again fail if we do not recognize the causes which prevented our forefathers from attaining it. The old spirit of unity has never ceased to give signs of vitality; we have longed for the lost blessing, and the history of our age is replete with endeavors to reunite the fatherland; we recognize the effective good will with which our allies came to the aid of our common cause and country. As inheritor of the Prussian crown, I am proud and strong in the conviction that the achievements of Prussia and their consequences will be only sure steps toward the re-establishment and exaltation of German power and German dignity. When the deliberations of the delegates shall have progressed sufficiently in the arrangement of public affairs, we shall cordially extend our proffer to our brethren of south Germany, urging them to unite with us. They will, earlier or later, as so many independent governments bound together by common ties of interest of blood and of German association. I trust in God our combined efforts will put an end to any future divisions among Germans, and that our children will ever regard with gratitude this Reichstag as the founder of German unity, freedom, and power through all time. Gentlemen, all Germany, even beyond the present limits of our union, patiently awaits the resolutions which shall here be adopted. May our common action, the dream of centuries, be carried into fulfilment amid the blessings of all ages. In the name of all united governments--in the name of all Germany-I give you my confidence; help us to carry through this great national task boldly and surely. The blessing of God to us all who carry out the task and work of the fatherland. No. 14.] * Mr. John C. Wright to Mr. Seward. * [Extract.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, * * SIR: Count Bismarck, in presenting the draft of the constitution to the federal Parliament, made a few remarks. I herewith enclose you the same in English. Several hostile speeches have been delivered against the present draft, and Count Bismarck has replied to such attacks in most vigorous language. (See enclosed speeches.) The opposition comes mostly from the Catholic party, and the delegates from Saxony and Hanover. * * * * * * I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Count Bismarck's speech on presenting the draught of the constitution to the federal Parliament. [Translation.] GENTLEMEN: In the name of the allied governments, I have the honor of laying before the federal Parliament the draught of a federal constitution agreed upon by the governments mentioned. To this draught I add authentic copies of the treaties having reference to the establishment of the confederacy, and also of the minutes of the sittings in which the draught has been discussed by the delegates of the allied governments. In submitting these to the decision of the high house, I abstain from amplifying upon the speech of the King my gracious master, delivered when opening the session. One point only I should like to call your attention to. In the provisional treaty of alliance, concluded August 18, 1866, there occurs a clause which is to the following effect: "This alliance is to last until the establishment of new and more permanent federal relations. Unless a new alliance be concluded before that term the present one is to last for a year." This means that the existing federal relations will expire not many months hence. I have no wish to dilate upon what would become of Germany were our work incomplete by August 18 of this year. I hope we shall be spared this predicament. I feel it, however, incumbent upon me to allude to the fact that the representative assemblies of the various states-at any rate, many of them-having reserved to themselves the right to ratify or reject the result of our deliberations, it will be necessary to convene the Parliaments of the twenty-two allied states, directly the sittings of the federal Parliament are over. I need scarcely tell you how very desirable it is that this ulterior stage of the matter should likewise be completed by the 18th of August. All these are circumstances which ought to lead us to expedite our labors. Furthermore, it ought to be taken into consideration that the establishment of treaty relations with southern Germany, such as all of us wish for, more or less urgently, will be materially promoted by a rapid consolidation of the north. The wish of the southern states to join their northern countrymen will be the more ardent, the more promptly we advance toward the attainment of our object. This, gentlemen, should be another incentive for us to come to an early agreement upon such points as might be viewed in a different light by the various political denominations represented in this house. No doubt there is something unfavorable to unity in our national character; otherwise, we should not have lost it, or, at all events, should have recovered it long before this. Looking back to the days of German greatness, the early days of the German empire, we find that no country in Europe was so likely to become strong and united as Germany. From Russia, which was portioned out among the descendants of Rurick to the Visigoths and Arabians of Spain, no European nation, amid the vicissitudes of ages, had so fair a chance of retaining its unity as Germany. Why, then, did we lose it? Why have we, till now, failed in recovering it? To express myself briefly, it seems to me there is an excess of manly and independent feeling in the German character, prompting the individual, as well as the corporation, the province, and the tribe, to rely upon themselves rather than look to the nation to which they belong. We lack the accommodating spirit which, in other nations, induces individuals as well as tribes to conform themselves to the requirements of the whole, and we have accordingly |