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1774. Clark's account of the murder of Logan's family. 125 it is but justice to state, that not more than five or six of the whole number had any participation in the slaughter at the house. The rest protested against it, as an atrocious murder. From their number, being by far the majority, they might have prevented the deed; but alas ! they did not. A little Indian girl alone was saved from the slaughter, by the humanity of some one of the party, whose name is not now known.

The Indians in the camps, hearing the firing at the house, sent a canoe with two men in it to enquire what had happened. These two Indians were both shot down, as soon as they landed on the beach. A second and larger canoe was then manned with a number of Indians in arms; but in attempting to reach the shore, some distance below the house, were received by a well directed fire from the party, which killed the greater number of them, and compelled the survivors to return. A great number of shots were exchanged across the river, but without damage to the white party, not one of whom was even wounded. The Indian men who were murdered were all scalped.

The woman who gave the friendly advice to the commander of the party, when in the Indian camp, was amongst the slain at Baker's house.

The massacres of the Indians at Captina and Yellow Creek, comprehended the whole of the family of the famous, but unfortunate Logan.

This account by Doddridge is confirmed by the evidence of Colonel Zane, whose deposition is given by Jefferson ;t but as it differs somewhat from that of George Rogers Clark, who was also present, we give part of the letter written by the last named pioneer relative to the matter, dated June 17, 1798.

This country was explored in 1773. A resolution was formed to make a settlement the spring following, and the mouth of the Little Kenaway appointed the place of general rendezvous, in order to descend the river from thence in a body. Early in the spring the Indians had done some mischief. Reports from their towns were alarming, which deterred many, About eighty or ninety men only arrived at the appointed rendezvous, where we lay some days.

A small party of hunters, that lay about ten miles below us, were fired upon by the Indians, whom the hunters beat back, and returned to camp. This and many other circumstances led us to believe, that the Indians were determined on war. The whole party was enrolled and determined to execute their project of forming a settlement in Kentucky, as we had every necessary store that could be thought of. An Indian

* Səe Doddridge's Notes, p. 226.
+ See on the whole subject, Appendix to Jefferson's Notes.

126

Clark's Account.

1774.

town called the Horsehead Bottom, on the Scioto and near its mouth, lay nearly in our way. The determination was to cross the country and surprise it. Who was to command ? was the question. There were but few among us that had experience in Indian warfare, and they were such that we did not choose to be commanded by. We knew of Capt. Cresap being on the river about fifteen miles above us, with some hands, setiling a plantation ; and that he had concluded to follow us to Kentucky as soon as he had fixed there his people. We also knew that he had been experienced in a former war. He was proposed; and it was unanimously agreed to send for him to command the party. Messengers were despatched, and in half an hour returned with Cresap. He had heard of our resolution by some of his hunters, that had fallen in with ours, and had set out to come to us.

We now thought our army, as we called it, complete, and the destruction of the Indians sure. A council was called, and, to our astonishment, our intended Commander-in-chief was the person that dissuaded us from the enterprise. He said that appearances were very suspicious, but there was no certainty of a war. That if we made the attempt proposed, he had no doubt of our success, but a war would, at any rate, be the result, and that we should be blamed for it, and perhaps justly. But if we were determined to proceed, he would lay aside all considerations, send to his camp for his people, and share our fortunes.

He was then asked what he would advise. His answer was, that we should return 10 Wheeling, as a convenient post, to hear what was going forward. That a few weeks would determine. As it was early in the spring, if we found the Indians were not disposed for war, we should have full time to return and make our establishment in Ken. lucky. This was adopted ; and in iwo hours the whole were under way. As we ascended the river, we met Kill-buck, an Indian chies, with a small party. We had a long conference with bim, but received little satisfaction as to the disposition of the Indians. It was observed that Cresap did not come to this conference, but kept on the opposite side of the river. He said that he was afraid to trust himself with the Indians. That Kill-buck had frequently attempted to waylay his father, to kill him. That if he crossed the river, perhaps his fortitude might fail him, and that he might put Kill-buck 10 death. On our arrival at Wheeling, (the country being pretty well settled thereabouts,) the whole of the inhabitants appeared to be alarmed. They flocked to our camp from every direction; and all that we could say could not keep them from under our wings. We offered to cover their neighborhood with scouts, until further information, if they would return to their plantations; but nothing would prevail. By this time we had got to be a formidable party. All the hunters, men without families, etc.,

in that quarter, had joined our party.

Our arrival at Wheeling was soon known at Pittsburgh. The whole

1774.

Clark's Account.

127

of that country, at that time, being under the jurisdiction of Virginia, Dr. Connolly had been appointed by Dunmore Captain Commandant of the District which was called Waugusta. He, learning of us, sent a message addressed to the party, letting us know that a war was to be apprehended; and requesting that we would keep our position for a few days; as messages had been sent to the Indians, and a few days would determine the doubt. The answer he got, was, that we had no inclination to quit our quarters for some time. That during our stay we should be careful that the enemy did not harass the neighborhood that we lay in. But before this answer could reach Pittsburgh, he sent a second express, addressed to Capt. Cresap, as the most influential man amongst us; informing him that the messages had returned from the Indians, that war was inevitable, and begging him to use his influence with the party, to get them to cover the country by scouts until the inhabitants could fortify themselves. The reception of this letter was the epoch of open hostilities with the Indians. A new post was planted, a council was called, and the letter read by Cresap, all the Indian traders being summoned on so important an occasion. Action was had, and war declared in the most solemn manner; and the same evening two scalps were brought into the camp.

The next day some canoes of Indians were discovered on the river, keeping the advantage of an island to cover themselves from our view. They were chased fifteen miles down the river, and driven ashore. A battle ensued; a few were wounded on both sides ; one Indian only taken prisoner. On examining their canoes, we found a considerable quantity of ammunition and other warlike stores. On our return to camp, a resolution was adopted to march the next day, and attack Lugan's camp on the Ohio about thirty miles above us. We did march about five miles, and then halted to take some refreshment. Here the impropriety of executing the projected enterprise was argued. The conversation was brought forward by Cresap himself. It was generally agreed that those Indians had no hostile intentions—as they were hunting, and their party were composed of men, women, and children, with all their stuff with them. This we knew; as I myself and others present had been in their camp about four weeks past, on our descending the river from Pittsburgh. In short, every person seemed to detest the resolution we had set out with. We returned in the evening, decamped, and took the road to Redstone.

It was two days after this that Logan's family were killed. And from the manner in which it was done, it was viewed as a horrid mur. der. From Logan's hearing of Cresap being at the head of this party on the river, it is no wonder that he supposed he had a hand in the destruction of his family."

* Louisville Literary News Letter, quoted in Hesperian, February, 1839. p. 309.

128
Conduct of White-Eyes.

1774. In relation to the murders by Greathouse, there is also a variance in the testimony. Henry Jolly, who was near by, and whose statement is published in an article by Dr. Hildreth, in Silliman's Journal for January, 1837, makes no mention of the visit of Greathouse to the Indian camp, but

says

that five men and one woman with a child came from the camp across to Baker's, that three of the five were made drunk, and that the whites finding the other two would not drink, persuaded them to fire at a mark, and when their guns were empty shot them down; this done, they next murdered the woman, and tomahawked the three who were intoxicated. The Indians who had not crossed the Ohio, ascertaining what had taken place, attempted to escape by descending the river, and having passed Wheeling unobserved, landed at Pipe Creek, and it was then, according to Jolly, that Cresap's attack took place; he killed only one Indian.* But whatever may have been the precise facts in relation to the murder of Logan's family, they were at any rate of such a nature as to make all concerned feel sure of an Indian war; and while those upon the frontier gathered hastily into the fortresses, † an express was sent to Williamsburgh to inform the Governor of the necessity of instant preparation. The Earl of Dunmore at once took the needful steps to organize forces; and meanwhile in June sent Daniel Boone and Michael Stoner to conduct into the settlements the surveyors and others who were lingering upon the banks of the Kentucky and Elkhorn, a duty which was ably and quickly performed. The unfortunate traders among the Indians, however, could not thus be rescued from the dangers which beset them. Some of them fell the first victims to the vengeance of the natives. One, near the town of White-Eyes, the Peace Chief of the Delawares, was murdered, cut to pieces, and the fragments of his body hung upon the bushes; the kindly chief gathered them together and buried them; the hatred of the murderers, however, led them to disinter and disperse the remains of their victim anew, but the kindness of the Delaware was as persevering as the hatred of his brethren, and again he collected the scattered limbs and in a secret place hid them. I

It being, under the circumstances, deemed advisable, by the

* See Am. Pioneer, i. 12 to 24. Am. Archives, 4th Series, i. 467. See also Border Warfare, 112, note, where the discrepancies of evidence are stated , also Jacob's Life of Cresap. + Border Warfare, 114.

# Heckewelder's Narrative, 132.

1774.
Connolly attacks friendly Indians.

129 Virginians to assume the offensive, as soon as it could be done, an army was gathered at Wheeling, which some time in July, under Colonel McDonald, descended the Ohio to the mouth of Captina Creek, or as some say Fish Creek, whence it was proposed to march against the Indian town of Wappatomica on the Muskingum. The march was successfully accomplished, and the Indians having been frustrated in an expected surprise of the invaders, sued for peace, and gave five of their chiefs as hostages. Two of them were set free, however, by Colonel McDonald, for the proposed purpose of calling the heads of the tribes together to ratify the treaty which was to put an end to warfare; but it being found that the natives were merely attempting to gain time and gather forces, the Virginians proceeded to destroy their towns and crops, and then retreated, carrying three of the chiefs with them as prisoners to Williamsburg.* But this invasion did nothing toward intimidating the red men.

The Delawares were anxious for peace; Sir William Johnson sent out to all his copper colored flock orders to keep still :t and even the Shawanese were prevailed on by their wise leader, Cornstalk, to do all they could to preserve friendly relations :f indeed they went so far as to secure some wandering traders from the vengeance of the Mingoes, whose relatives had been slain at Yellow Creek and Captina, and sent them with their property safe to Pittsburgh.|| But Logan, who had been turned by the murders on the Ohio from a friend to a deadly foe of the whites, came suddenly upon the Monongahela settlements. and while the other Indians were hesitating as to their course, took his thirteen scalps in repayment for the heads laid low by Cresap and Greathouse, and returning home, expressed himself satisfied, and ready to listen to the Long-Knives. But it was not, apparently, the wish of Dunmore or Connolly to meet the friendly spirit of the natives, and when, about the 10th of June, three of the Shawanese conducted the traders who had been among them, safely to Pittsburgh, Connolly had even the meanness to attempt first to seize them, and when foiled in this by Colonel Croghan, his uncle, who had been alienated by his tyranny, he sent men to watch, waylay and kill them; and one account says that one of the three was slain. Indeed, the character developed by this man, while

Border Warfare, 115. Doddridge, 241. Am. Archives, 4th Series, i. 722. † Am. Archives, 4th Series, i. 252 to 288. # Do. do. | Do. do. & Do. 428.

Do. 449.

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