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“ gentlemen or commoners, who ride or run with them “ to lay hold of us, viperous bishops, curates, and all « such intelligencers and others who at sight of us raise « the hue and cry against us, shall be reputed enemies to « God and the covenanted reformation, and punished as u such, according to our power and the degrees of their “ offence; chiefly if they shall continue obstinately, and « with habitual malice to proceed against us. But we do “ abhor and condemn any personal attempt without pre“ vious deliberation, common concert, and sufficient proof, “ therefore let them be admonished of their hazard, and « specially all ye intelligencers who, by your informations, “ render us up that our blood may be shed.” Wodrow, ii. App. 137. From archbishop Sharp's murder the statesmen had some reason to be apprehensive of their lives. But from the nature of their government little doubt can be entertained that one part of the nation, but for the revolution, would have degenerated into assassins.


NOTE VI. p. 335. The following letter from lord Stair to the earl of Mar. is characteristical and curious.

3d January 1706. “ I acknowledge the honour of yours of the 25th past, “ in which your lordship hath been pleased to give me a s full and clear view of our affairs, how far they have “ been successful, and where there is danger that they may “ miscarry.

« I am convinced the Inglis have done very handsomely " and obligingly in repealing all the clauses of their act « which were either injurious or grievous to us; and “ though there were no more success to be hoped for from - the treaty, yet that same was well worth all the struggle • VOL. IV.

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«« we had to obtain it ; and it carries an air of reproof to “ two sorts of people ; either those who would not enter “ into a treaty because they pretended no good would be “ got by it, and others who were so fond as to have ren“ dered without any terms, to which it was impossible to

have brought our nation or parliament. I shall be sorry “ if the Inglis insist too peremptorily upon an entire “ (union) at present. Your lordship knows my sentiments bi on that matter, that I do firmly believe an incorporating « union is the best for both nations ; but that may require

more time than the present circumstances do allow; for “ if we should be so unhappy as to be deprived of her " present majesty before the succession is settled, great “ mischiefs may follow. Therefore I wish that upon the “ settling of a free trade betwixt the nations and all free“ dom of the plantations, that the succession were present“ ly declared in our next session of parliament, and that “ the treaty of an entire union might likewise proceed so “ as a scheme thereof might be offered to both parliaments; " and if more time were found to be necessary for that, “ yet it needed not stop the other from being presently "' concluded and declared.

“ For the nomination I think your part in stating the “ difficulty and giving the general opinion, I conclude the « court will hardly adventure to make another mixture “ without either our's, or the opinion of our friends here “ and if they be of another mind, I think it's our part to “ submit : if that other brings the matter to a good con“ clusion, as not to be considered by what hands, and if

“ the affair miscarries you are exonerated; but I am - “afraid another stop of this kind will render D. Queens“ berry so jealous that he will not meddle, and your lord! ship will consider how the business will succeed without “ him. 'Tis a great happiness for the public and security “ of the people that the two secretaries, and the great men « in the government, are of the same sentiments. So long “ as you continue so as impossible for business to miscarry ; « it may stick at one time, but it may do at another. All « the opposition can only retard, but without this settle“ ment there is nothing considerable, either ill or good, « can be done with us. But though you should not come “ to open breaches, if there arise diffidence or shyness “ amongst you, then you ruin yourselves, your friends and « country. Therefore the common interest is more to be “ minded than the particular part that every man is to act. “ Nor is it always the greatest actor that represents the “ greatest person ; but the several parts are to be given so « as the whole plot may be best executed. It's only on “ this point that I fear heart burnings may arise. The “ court and our friends there should digest and prepare “ this matter, and I hope the persons shall acquiesce in 56 what parts friends do assign them; and whoever be the “ principal actor, they should be contented to act with « concert, and to allow others their share in the influence “ and disposal of things, according to their interest and “ weight in the party.

“ I do not believe that the two dukes will differ in re« lation to the M. of Annandale. He must either recon. “ cile and quit his humour before the nomination, or “ then there will be an end of him; and there will “ be the more need of caution to retain our friends here “ and care to take off some that were in opposition. In “ order to retaining friends it is absolutely necessary to “ finish what was begun with the northern squadron. I “ know it's not your lordship’s fault that Grant is not s provided as yet, but except. : be sheriff of “ Ross, they will never be hearty, for he manages the. s rest; "and George Brodie is earnest that Captain Brodie

“ be under-chamberlain of Ross, which has some diffi“ culty ; but it must either be done, or that kept fair in ex« pectation, which will have great influence in the North ; “ for though that corner, which had many representatives, « are the most disaffected to the present establishment and “ the succession, yet the matter of trade is more in their “ heads than any others in parliament, which may make " them easy in the parliament to ratify these good terms " that may be obtained in the treaty. . “ For getting of some of our opposers I wrote formerly “ to E. Loudon, how little I believed of advances had « been made by the leaders; my lord Arniston is very cur“ rent for the treaty, and that we should take the best “ terms we could get, for breaking up is ruin; and he “ says he would not stick at quitting our act of peace and « war, which is a fair advance. He is the first baron in « parliament, and you will find few of his state to be put “ upon the treaty. There's indeed a charm in being en“ gaged in a party in common

take men off “ from their own reason; but yet if he were named and “ on the treaty, I think I could answer for him, and he is 6c certainly for the constitution. There is another friend “ of yours of whom I'll write to Loudon when I have “ more assurance. He does not desire to be in the treaty, “ and he is valuable for his tongue, and I think not high « in his pretensions. All his friends are of our side, so “ if he comes there is no fear that he goes off again.

"For military matters, I pretend not to understand " them. All these gentlemen are so touchy, that they are “ ready to mistake or quarrel even what's done for their service to accommodate all matters. I must say the “ officers of our army having not frequent occasion of “ fighting for us, they are to be otherwise useful; and there " is such a connection and dependence betwixt the state

€ and the army, that the nomination of officers never was « out of the hands of the ministry. No doubt great re" gard will be had to the recommendation of the com“ mander in chief, as to the recommending of staff offi« cers for the subalterns where no other reason of state “ interferes. For a new parliament I wish this were bet“ ter; but till it fail us I would not try another, lest that “ be worse. I must say the parliament never failed where " the ministry was not divided ; and in the new elections " the party in opposition will have the advantage of us in « diligence; and a person inclined to the court is easy put, “ by from being chosen in his country. It would raise a " new ferment; whereas our humours rather cool, and “ it's too true that men who desire easy fair things are sel“ dom so active as those who have worse intentions.”,

NOTE VII. p. 354. • LORD GLASGOW, Queensberry's instrument in managing the Scottish parliament, produced on oath under Harley's administration, an account of the distribution of the 20,000l. See Lockliart's Appendix. Tindal's Rapin, iii, 777- Cuningham endeavours to vindicate his friends, Hist. ii. 61. 352; but they durst not dispute Glasgow's veracity in the account delivered to the house of commons. Marchmont's share was 11041. Tweedale's 1000l. Roxburgh's sool. Montrose's 2001. but it is to be observed that the two former obtained no promotion, the two latter were created dukes and had no claim whatever to arrears, Some it is said, who granted no discharges, drew their arrears a second time out of the equivalent, from which Queensberry received 23,000l. as commissioner. besides 12,000l. the balance of the 20,000l. which he was permitted to retain. The reader may be surprised at the small sums (251. gol. 751. rool.) employed as bribes but when

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